Royal Arrogance and Human Humility: Political
and Ethical Lessons from the Past: Herrand of Wildonie’s “The Naked Emperor”
Dr. Albrecht Classen
University Distinguished Professor
Dept. of German Studies
The University of Arizona
Tucson, Arizona, U.S.A.
Abstract
In the present time, we seem to have assumed
a myopic perspective of ourselves and the future. We are in the odd situation,
maybe brought about by the radical paradigm shift triggered by the internet, of
looking only forward and ignoring the lessons from the past. Pure pastism would
be equally bad, but paying solid respect to previous experiences regarding
human affairs can have considerably good outcomes. In light of the current
dangers to democracy, this article explores the relevance of some medieval literary
sources concerning good rulers, presidents, or chancellors. Concretely, the
example provided by the Austrian poet Herrand of Wildonie (late thirteenth
century) will serve as a model case of how political leaders should view
themselves and perform as representatives of people, not as dictators or
tyrants.
Keywords: ethical
principles for rulers; good kings; medieval examples for modern cases; Herrand
of Wildonie; the doppelgänger;
political teachings; mirror for princes
Although we commonly observe that presentism
dominates much of our modern life, that is, an exclusive focus on current
conditions and then on efforts to blaze a path into the future, the attention
to the past, carefully directed and meticulously oriented, promises to yield
many powerful insights into fundamental aspects of all of human life, both
today and tomorrow. We do not need to examine here the philosophical and
practical approaches to history as a valuable study subject once again, since
so much has been written on this topic most recently. Both literary scholars
and historians have extensively discussed the relevance of the past and how we
can, or rather why we should turn to the Middle Ages, for instance, as a
treasury of human behavior, ideas, experiences, conflicts, tragedies, happy
outcomes, hopefulness, or despair.1 This is not to say that we could
expect to find perfect solutions for our modern problems simply in the
chronicles or literary works created in the past. Also, we cannot naively rely
on such intellectual giants, such as St. Augustine, Boethius, Albertus Magnus,
Thomas Aquinas, or William Ockham when we try to figure out problems in our day
and age.
Pragmatic
issues and specific conflicts need modern responses, of course, since we must
move forward, not backward, rely on current and developing technologies. So,
why would we want to reflect backward? One of the simple answers to this
challenge can be found by looking at any road map. While we drive toward a
goal, we rely critically on our awareness where we have come from, particularly
if we get lost on the way toward the future but then might be required to
return much of the distance covered so far in order to retrace our errors and
correct them with the advantage of past knowledge. In short, past and future
constitute the essential framework for all of human existence, and cutting out
one of them, or ignoring particularly the previous world, endangers the other.
A
dramatic example for this from the very recent past can be found in the
decision by the German government to end its entire nuclear energy program and
to replace it primarily with renewable energy based on the terrible experiences
in Japan with the nuclear power plant Fukushima Daiishi Ni, which had been hit
by a tsunami, which led to its breakdown and meltdown in 2011. The German
Chancellor Angela Merkel, herself a scientist with a degree in quantum
chemistry, ordered the phasing out of all nuclear power plants in Germany in
the immediate aftermath of that catastrophe, and the plan is to reach that goal
in 2022. A previous experience has thus led to a subsequent development – a
rational consequence with a huge impact on the entire energy industry globally.2
Despite
people’s tendency to turn a blind eye to the past, humankind has always been
challenged by many different, yet mostly very similar problems, such as the
response to death, the quest for God, the search for love, the fairness and
justice of a political system, and the proper relationship with the natural
environment, to list just a few of the major topics that intellectuals and
writers have always pondered on. We can easily discover that many of those
timeless issues require from us to return to them over and over again, as if
each generation has to go through the same struggle. After all, they all
pertain to the normal growth of an individual or a society, irrespective of the
cultural or political context, and we might go so far as to identify life
itself as the constant engagement with those larger and minor aspects which
ultimately define ourselves as human beings.
The
purpose of this paper consists of focusing on one major conflict which has
troubled people throughout time, that is, the attempt by some individuals to
assume absolute political power and to accumulate a maximum of resources to the
disadvantage of everyone else. Differently put, throughout time, we can observe
an ongoing quest for freedom and the search for a fair, just, and equal
political system in opposition to political, military, or economic subjugation.3
Even though most of the western world today assumes that they live in
democracies, there is good reason to warn ourselves that this belief rests on a
very thin veneer that can be easily lost, as the recent development in the
United States of America has demonstrated where former President Donald Trump
was apparently trying with all of his might and personal appeal to the
right-wing masses to install himself as a virtual dictator and to remove the
principles of freedom as outlined in the American Constitution on January 6, 2021.4
Fortunately,
we are well equipped to deal with many such challenges and have much ammunition
to defend our freedom both by legal, philosophical, economical, and political
means. Nevertheless, if we consider the ever-growing populism worldwide, most
ominously expressed by the QAnon movement, there is great urgency to remind
ourselves once again of the true meaning of freedom, of democracy, of our
individual privileges and obligations, all of which are the result of long-term
struggles and will never be guaranteed.
Democracy
did not arise simply overnight, and the current political systems predicated on
justice and equality of all are the result of countless efforts throughout
time. But as much as we enjoy today the fruits of those efforts, can express our
opinion freely, practice the right to vote, assemble without being hampered,
and pursue our religious faith without any hindrance, as much we begin to see
particularly today that there are growing political forces in many western
countries, not even to speak of the rest of the world, which would like to
limit people’s right to vote, to secure, above all, the hegemony of Christian
male whites of the middle and the upper classes, and remove many of the
traditional rights inscribed in the American constitution or other fundamental
texts. The current situation in present-day Poland, Hungary, Serbia, maybe also
Italy, and possibly France, does not look good for democracy, and we all thus
face the great need to revisit the old struggles and to remind ourselves what
power really means, how individual rulers gained their position, and in what
way they have tried throughout time to justify and legitimize their dictatorial
office.5 In short, we are in great need of examples of good and bad
leaders in order to evaluate the current situation and to remind ourselves of
how to move forward without losing out to radical, right-wing, if not fascist
groups which would like to establish a new dictatorship. Only if we understand
why and how some individuals in the past were able to grab power and to abuse
the majority of people will we be in a constructive position to defend
ourselves against future threats resulting from potential dictators and
tyrants.
Literature
can surprisingly enter the picture in this regard and help us understand some
of the older discourses regarding a legitimate kingship or rulership. My
intention here is to focus on a verse narrative by a Styrian-Austrian poet,
Herrand of Wildonie (second half of the thirteenth century), 6 who
offered one of multiple versions about an emperor who had to learn a hard
lesson about the central need especially for rulers like him to be mindful of
their religious, moral, and ethical obligations, their duties concerning their
subjects, and their requirement to exert justice for all. Although medieval
poets hardly ever expressed any concrete desire for individual ‘freedom’ in the
modern sense of the word, we can easily identify a powerful discourse regarding
evil kings or rulers and hence also significant expressions concerning personal
freedom from external control.7
In
Herrand’smære (verse narrative), “Der
nackte Kaiser” (ca. 1270; The Naked Emperor), 8 we are not
confronted with reflections on how to democratize a country. This is, after
all, a story deeply steeped in medieval mentality and culture. Instead, we hear
about an emperor who suddenly loses all of his power to a doppelgänger and has to learn that he as a human being is just as
much dependent on God’s grace and his subjects’ love as all others within his
society.9 Although not a pedagogical account, that is, a “Mirror for
Princes,” Herrand’s story addresses central concerns regarding a ruler’s values
and ideals and warns the audience about the consequences of an emperor’s or a
king’s wrongful behavior.10
This
late medieval Austrian poet reworked a highly popular narrative motif that
might have entered Europe via Arabic translations from the Indian subcontinent
sometime in late antiquity.11 We find important early sources in the
collection Gesta Romanorum12
and in the famous Old Spanish El Conde
Lucanor by Don Juan Manuel, 13 so Herrand’s version represents
simply the German branch of an international narrative motif, appealing to
audiences throughout times and in many different cultures.
In
essence, as I want to demonstrate, this medieval tale can easily serve as a
teaching lesson for modern rulers, especially those who are overly anxious to
assume all the power for themselves and soon turn into tyrants, certainly a
topic of significant relevance already in the Middle Ages,14 but
unfortunately also today, once again. As we will observe, Herrand, like his
predecessors, formulated a strong opinion regarding the ethics and principles
of good behavior relevant for a king or emperor. He was neither the first nor
the last to do so; many philosophers such as Manegold of Lautenbach, Siegebert
of Gembloux, Hugues of Fleury, Honorius of Autun, John of Salisbury, Marsilius
of Padua, Jean Gerson, and poets such as Marie de France and Ulrich Bonerius
had already expressed highly negative criticism of dangerous tyrants who abused
their power to the disadvantage of all people.15 The fear of tyranny
was palpable also in the Middle Ages, as many literary and philosophical texts
reveal quite impressively.16
Herrand’s
short verse narrative carries considerable significance for us today because,
just as its various earlier sources, the poet here voices a strong warning to
all rulers to guard themselves against the danger of abusing their own power,
neglecting justice, and turning into a dictator. While the poet does not call
at all for ‘freedom’ or a democratic system, hence does not even consider any
changes of the feudal system with its rigid social class structure, he presents
a highly meaningful literary example that promises to convey a timeless lesson
for all rulers throughout time and across the world.
The
Middle Ages knew already of many efforts by individuals and entire peoples to
fight for their freedom, such as in Iceland, Switzerland, Frisia, Pommerania,
Bohemia, or Lithuania, but kingship was, grosso
modo, the overarching political system, basically unquestioned by the
general population.17 However, there is a huge difference between a
king and a dictator, not to speak of a tyrant, because the entire feudal system
was predicated on a global concept of a give and take, of mutual dependency in
economic and political terms, and hence of respect, at least in ideal terms,
which entailed that the king had also to submit under many different
obligations and duties in return for his privileges.18 He was a
servant of God here on earth, at least in quasi-secular terms, and despite many
miserable representatives, there were generally high expectations of the king
as a role model in military, administrative, spiritual, and ethical terms.19
King Arthur, as a literary manifestation, generally incorporated this ideal,
but many courtly romances and heroic epics also supply painful cases of
negative examples.
This
is also the situation in Herrand’s “Der blôzekeiser” where we hear about the
Roman emperor Gornêus – the name is mentioned only very late, v. 303 – who
wields more power and possesses more wealth than any other ruler before him
(20-21). However, particularly because of his almost infinite resources he soon
enough loses his ethical principles and turns into an unjust, selfish, greedy,
and dictatorial person who is firmly convinced that he would never experience
any suffering or pain (28-40). His arrogance flies, of course, in the face of
everything people have learned throughout time, and the emperor is quickly
realizing how much he himself was caught in a terrible illusion. But the
narrator at first injects a religious teaching, warning everyone that Christ is
the absolute lord and controls all of human life. No material power would ever
be enough to overcome God’s rule, so the narrative immediately sets the tone of
a spiritual message of global relevance. Thus, it does not come as a surprise
that the poet calls this emperor “der rîche, der tumbe” (42; the rich one, the
stupid one; that is: though rich, really stupid).
This
Roman emperor attends a Christian church service, so the poet translates the
account into his own time and thus performs the same task as we do today by
looking backward in order to learn an important lesson for the own future. The
emperor inquires with a cleric about the meaning of the gospel, here Luke, and
is told that according to that biblical text those who rise to the top level
within society would one day fall down, whereas those who humble themselves and
are at the bottom will rise to the top in the future (63-65), and all this
without fail. This proves to be also the fundamental teaching contained in the
philosophical treatise by Boethius, The
Consolation of Philosophy (ca. 524), according to which all life is
determined by the Wheel of Fortune (Fortuna),
meaning that no one can rely on stability here in the worldly existence and
that everyone is subject to universal contingency.20
However,
for the emperor, this message is unacceptable, and he vehemently protests
against this interpretation, demanding to be told that those who are rich and
powerful here on earth will also enjoy the same privilege in the other world.
He naively asks the priest what good all of his own efforts to gain wealth and
honor during his lifetime would be if he could not carry those with him to the
afterlife. He would actually be ashamed if a poor person would gain more
respect and power in heaven than he himself (73-75). In other words, the
emperor protests against the highest textual authority in the Christian Church,
the Gospel itself, charging it of lying or not telling the truth.21
The
poor priest is at a loss what to do, being afraid of the power differential
between them, but he insists on the absolute truth of the biblical words and
underscores the supreme value of spiritual purity and the horrors of lying. The
outcome of the debate consists of both men not deviating from their position,
so the emperor, on his own volition, turns away from God and then rules for ten
years without observing any obligations to exact justice and to call for a
legal court on a regular basis to hear cases brought by people suffering from
cruelty, crime, and violence. Injustice thus begins to dominate the empire,
with the ruler himself being the worst culprit in terms of the abuse of power.
Consequently, crime, such as robbery and arson, is no longer persecuted, and
the empire threatens to fall apart.
Finally,
the emperor grants that a great court hearing is organized, although he is
already certain himself that God would not be on his side (115-16). The
situation has obviously become so dire in the country that countless people
assemble to bring their complaints to the court. The narrator emphasizes that
many women also arrived at the court because of their great suffering at home
and in the hope of finding justice for their cases. The poet thus highlights a
universal truth about rulers whose essential task would consist of guaranteeing
justice and helping their people by offering protection against wrongdoings, or
simply crimes. Details are not listed here, but the fact alone that a legal
court is assembled after ten years of neglect already speaks volumes about this
ruler and the decline of his empire.
To
add to this ominous evaluation of the emperor’s character, we also learn that
he prepares himself for the court proceedings not by studying the law books,
for instance, or by consulting with his lords; instead, he is only interested
in the women who have arrived as plaintiffs, and in order to appeal to them
erotically, the emperor decides to take a bath at first in a distant building
somewhere in the city. However, at that moment when he is relaxing, resting on
a bench, a doppelgänger appears,
whose identity is not yet explained, and who assumes the role of the emperor,
returning to the court with his entire retinue, leaving behind the protagonist
who does not realize what is happening to him at first.
Everyone
accepts the new person, who looks and speaks just like the emperor, whereas the
true person suddenly finds himself in a very uncomfortable, in fact most
painful situation, being rejected, despised, mocked at, even persecuted, and
mistreated in the worst possible manner. In fact, the emperor is called
“schandenflec” (204; shameful spot) and has no way of proving his true
identity. Although he is intent on punishing his servants badly once he has
regained his previous authority, there is no use in trying to convince anyone
that he is the true emperor (232). Worst proves to be that he has no clothing
and faces the world as a naked person; not even the employees in the bathhouse
are willing to help him and ridicule him, telling him that he should have
complained about this terrible case to the emperor (263-64).
The
narrator dramatically calls him “der ellende” (273; the miserable one, or: the
outcast), implying that he has no more any house, identity, clothing, support,
or family. In his desperation, he seeks help from a knight to whom he had
entrusted an entire castle as his administrative post, but he has to realize
quickly that no one recognizes him, that everyone rejects him and threatens him
with a beating. Ironically, the knight actually admits to himself that this
naked man looks exactly like the emperor, but since he himself had accompanied
his lord from the bathhouse to his court, he cannot accept this other man as
the real ruler despite all of his insistence. Although he gives him some rags
to dress himself, he still chases him away, which makes Gornêus’s situation only
worse since not even his most trusted knight is willing to come to his rescue.
Once
he has reached the town and tries to beg for food, the people despise him and
refuse to help him even with some alms because he looks too well-fed to be an
authentic beggar, so he has to content himself with poor scraps. The next day,
however, the emperor witnesses a shocking scenery, with many noble people
having been harshly punished or even executed as a result of their evil deeds.
A just ruler in the appearance of the emperor has started to make his authority
work again, whereas Gornêus’s had neglected for many years to consider any of
those misdeeds. Corruption and deception had taken over his court, and justice
was entirely lacking under his rule, as he has to realize now in face of the
changed situation (400-05).
The
emperor suddenly feels great shame and acknowledges that his doppelgänger deserves all the honor,
whereas he himself would not be worthy of any respect (416). Before, he had
greedily amassed all of his wealth without sharing it with anyone, lacking in
basic generosity which was obviously highly expected particularly from the
ruler (418-20). Having suddenly learned his basic lesson, the emperor
acknowledges that he deserves to be “der werlte spot” (426; object of the
world’s mockery). This proves to be the critical juncture, both here in
Herrand’s version and in other medieval texts (Gesta Romanorum et al.), and so also in the modern re-telling by
Werner Bergengruen in his “Der KaiserimElend” (The Emperor in Misery, 1946;
contained in his Die Sultansrose).22
Gonêrius
realizes that the other emperor is carrying out his duties as he was supposed
to, whereas he himself had neglected them terribly because he had not lived up
to his duties as a ruler out of greed, selfishness, and arrogance, and had
refused to protect and support his people. Consequently, having been denied
their rights, they had turned to God and had appealed to Him, which has finally
helped them: “swazsîgeklagethân, dazistwâr” (429; what they have complained
about was only true). Gonêrius thus suddenly understands how far away from God
he himself has turned, and thus he begins with his long process of repentance
(434).
The
story itself, however, has not reached its conclusion at that point because
Gonêrius is still about to experience his redemption, which then leads over to
the general teachings for all future rulers. When the doppelgänger decides to leave the court for a short while, being
replaced by one of his princes, those all praise him for the extraordinary
justice which he has suddenly issued, helping all of his people in an
unprecedented manner to get their cases heard (481-84). On his way back to his
private chambers, the stranger recognizes the true emperor and forces him to
come along. Gonêrius falls to his feet, begs for mercy, and acknowledges the
veracity of the teaching as conveyed by the cleric at the beginning of the
verse narrative. God has the absolute power to raise those at the bottom and to
lower those at the top of society, and if people strive for honor, God would
help them to achieve it (505-06). Whereas the emperor had originally believed
that he enjoyed his power through his own efforts, now he has to recognize that
everything depends on God: “du sihstwol, dîngewaltistklein, / ezwelledanne got
al ein” (513-14; now you can clearly see that your power is small, unless God
grants it to you). Reprimanding Gonêrius severely, the other person points out
that all of the emperor’s honor, wealth, and his life originate from God
(521-22), which implies that his imperial glory would be nothing without divine
support. The penitent recognizes this, accepts the teachings, and asks for
help.
This
then leads over to the denouement, as the doppelgänger
then reveals himself as God’s angel who had been sent to test the emperor and
to make him change his mindset. In fact, as the angel points out, Gonêrius was
privileged by God for having received this punishment and lesson which then
allows him to improve himself and avoid his previous misdeeds (543-45).
The
angel concludes with a strong warning that the emperor from now on should look
out for his honor and ought to perform as a virtuous and loving person: “bis
biderbeundeherzenhaft / an allediu, dazsînâch got” (556-57; be honorable and
loving to all, which would be God’s wish). The angel then disappears and
Gonêrius assumes his seat as a judge for all the outstanding cases.
Subsequently, he encourages everyone whom he might have ever done something
wrong to come forward, promising that he would restitute their losses and pain.
The princes warmly welcome the emperor as a changed man and praise him for his
new devotion to God. He goes so far as to turn over all of his treasures to the
people which he had never received in a legitimate manner (619), and promises
not to take any taxes beyond what he could rightly claim for himself. The
narrator thus extols him exceedingly and portrays him now as an ideal ruler who
works for his people and does not think of himself in the first place. In fact,
he is now regarded as a holy man whom everyone loves and admires as the best
possible ruler (642).
The
narrator concludes with general words of praise for Christ, requesting from him
to allow him to gain a similar saintly position here in this life. Addressing
the Virgin Mary, the poet begs that God remove all of his sins from him and
thus allow him to enter the eternal afterlife (664-65). Finally, Herrand names
himself and uses, to round off his verse narrative, a humility topos.
The
previous or contemporary versions of this tale had also aimed for a religious
message, but the emphasis there had rested more intensively on the experience
of suffering and the emperor’s spiritual transformation, such as in “Of
Excessive Pride, and How the Proud are Often Brought to Extreme Humility: A
Notable Tale” (no. 59) in the Gesta
Romanorum. Leaving those spiritual and allegorical differences aside, we
can now conclude with some rather powerful reflections both on this tale by
Herrand and on the usefulness of medieval literary texts at large for the
current political discourse in our own time.
In
the present context, there are no more emperors and kings, and if so, they
serve only nominal functions. The Roman emperor presented in this verse
narrative stands in for any arrogant ruler who demonstrates utter greed and
hunger for power and wealth. Once he had reached a point of no return and
wanted to abuse his influence even further, God’s angel came to his ‘rescue’ by
removing him from his office, replacing him, and demonstrating to him how a
good ruler would have to perform. Herrand had certainly in mind to criticize
contemporary kings and presented this well-established literary theme as a
warning for them not to forget God, not to ignore the instability of this life,
the working of the Wheel of Fortune, and the constant impact of contingency as
the universal mechanism of all life here on earth.
Gonêrius
displayed many evils as a ruler, proving to be greedy and arrogant, pride- and
boastful. His only concern was to increase his power and wealth, and so he
tolerated in return that individual princes and others committed ever more
crimes. Since he did not hold a legal court, things became worse and worse, and
corruption entered his empire, as we would say today.
A
good ruler, whether someone enthroned as a king or elected as a president,
would have to pursue justice, generosity, virtues, and fairness in his country.
Lacking all those aspects, both the country and the ruler himself were in
danger of collapsing. But in this story, the protagonist was actually
privileged by God because this angel doppelgänger
appeared in time to help him realize the dramatic and traumatic malaise in the
country. By way of forcing him to step back, to watch from the distance how a
good ruler performs, and, above all, experiencing the utmost suffering as a
naked person without any resources and support, the angel granted him the
advantage to perceive himself in a kind of mirror. Thus, Gonêrius was
privileged, despite the most painful humiliation and misery, to learn about
himself and to transform into a truly good ruler.
Herrand’s
verse narrative was only one of numerous other versions dealing with the same
issue. This notably underscores the great weight which medieval poets placed on
a good and virtuous king or emperor. We can also perceive the possibility to
apply the teachings of this story to many other situations in life, always
aiming at the constant struggle to establish virtues and to achieve true honor.
Politically speaking, however, Herrand’s tale allows us to recognize how much
medieval literature could serve exceedingly well to reflect on the current
leadership in the world.
Former
President Trump embarrassingly lost the election in 2020 and he continues
foolishly to claim that he was cheated out of a second presidency; President
Erdogan of Turkey seems to steer his country to global ruin, and President
Putin of Russia might not do much better, maybe, to speak with tongue-in-cheek,
because none of them has read the Gesta
Romanorum or Herrand of Wildonie’s narratives with their strong comments on
what makes a good king versus a dictator.
There
are many other rulers in the world who operate the same way as Emperor Gonêrius
did in the first part of Herrand’s story. Once thrown out of his previous
position by his doppelgänger, reality
began to dawn upon this emperor. Watching the other person perform as an ideal
ruler, Gonêrius suddenly felt shame, humiliation, and embarrassment, and the
contrast to the other emperor made him rethink everything in his life. Of
course, the angel was not supposed to stay for long, and once the original
emperor had learned his lesson, had demonstrated his new-found humility,
virtue, respect, and piety, he was allowed to resume his previous role.
Undoubtedly,
this literary ‘mirror for princes’ would serve exceedingly well in the present
context as well, as a warning for any aspirant for a high political position,
whether we want to embrace the religious message, or simply accept the ethical
warning contained in the text. The present world has actually much to learn
from the Middle Ages, even though that period was certainly not ideal at all
either.23If we want to build further on our present democracy, it
seems to behoove us to reflect backward and consider some of the political
messages from the past. Herrand of Wildonie was certainly not the least
important voice in that regard. Granted, he was primarily driven by religious
ideals, but behind this insightful and virtually timeless tale we recognize
clearly the strongly ethical and political ideals that can surely serve today
as models for all rulers in the present world.
Notes
1. I myself have
contributed intensively to this debate; see, for instance, my study “Die
Antwort auf die Frage nach der Zukunft liegt auch in der Vergangenheit: Neue
Ansätze zu einer europäisch konzipierten Mediävistik. Oder: Wohin mit der
national-geprägten Philologie in Anbetracht von St. Augustin, Martianus
Capella, Boethius, Thomas von Aquin oder Christine de Pizan?,” to appear in Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie. Most recently, the issue was also addressed
once again by a historian, John H. Arnold, What
is Medieval History?. 2nd ed., rev. and updated (2008; Cambridge and
Medford, MA: Polity Press, 2021); see also the contributions to The Relevance of The Humanities in the
Twenty-First Century: Past and Present, ed. Albrecht Classen. Special issue
of Humanities Open Access, June 2020-
https://www.mdpi.com/journal/humanities/special_issues/pas_pre.
2. Most recently, see the contributions to Deutschland: Globalgeschichteeiner Nation,
ed. Andreas Fahrmeir (Munich: C. H. Beck, 2020). See also
https://www.energiewende.de/start;
https://www.bundesregierung.de/breg-de/themen/energiewende/energiewende-im-ueberblick-229564
(both last accessed on March 15, 2021).
3. Albrecht Classen, Freedom, Imprisonment, and Slavery in the Pre-Modern World:
Cultural-Historical, Social-Literary, and Theoretical Reflections.
Fundamentals in Medieval and Early Modern Culture, 25 (Berlin and Boston:
Walter de Gruyter, 2021).
4. Can It
Happen Here? Authoritarianism in America, ed. Cass R. Sunstein (New York: Dey St., an Imprint of
William Morrow, 2018); Ivan Krastev and Stephen Holmes, The Light that Failed Why the West is Losing the Fight for Democracy
(New York and London: Pegasus Books, 2019); Ruth Ben-Ghiat, Strongmen: Mussolini to the Present (New
York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2020); Sarah Kendzior, Hiding in Plain Sight: The Invention of Donald Trump and the Erosion
of America (New York: Flatiron Books, 2020); Mapping Populism: Approaches and Methods, ed. Amit Ron and Majia
Nadesan (London and New York: Routledge, 2020). The list of relevant studies
warning about the steady decline of democracy today is staggering and alerts us
to the actual crisis the West finds itself in.
5. William E. Connolly, Aspirational Fascism: The Struggle for Multifaceted Democracy Under
Trumpism. Forerunners (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press,
2017); Madeleine Albright, with Bill Woodward, Fascism: A Warning (New York: Harper, 2018).
6.
Michael Curschmann, “Herrand von Wildonie,” Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters:
Verfasserlexikon, ed. Kurt Ruh. Vol. 3 (Berlin and New York: Walter de
Gruyter, 1981), 1144–47; for an update, see Volker Zapf, “Herrand von
Wildonie,” Deutsches Literatur-Lexikon:
Das Mittelalter. Vol. 5: Epik (Vers –
Strophe – Prosa) und Kleinformen, ed. Wolfgang Achnitz (Berlin and Boston:
Walter de Gruyter 2013), 679–84.
7. Making
the Medieval Relevant: How Medieval Studies Contribute to Improving Our
Understanding of the Present, ed. Chris Jones, Conor
Kostick, and Klaus Oschema. Das Mittelalter: Perspektiven mediävistischer
Forschung, 6 (Berlin and Boston: Walther de Gruyter, 2020). For a critical evaluation, however, see my
review to appear in Mediaevistik 34
(2021). See also The Middle Ages in the
Modern World: Twenty-First Century Perspectives, ed. Bettina Bildhauer and
Chris Jones. Proceedings of the British Academy, 208 (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2017).
8. Hanns Fischer, ed.
Herrand von Wildonie. Vier Erzählungen.
2nd ed. Altdeutsche Textbibliothek, 52 (1959; Tübingen: Max Niemeyer, 1969); J.
W. Thomas, The Tales and Songs of Herrand
von Wildonie. Translated into
English Verse with an Introduction. Studies in the Germanic Languages and
Literatures, 4 (Lexington, KY: The University Press of Kentucky, 1972); .
9. Ingrid Fichtner, ed. Doppelgänger: von endlosen Spielarten eines
Phänomens. Facetten der
Literatur, 7 (Bern: Haupt, 1999).
10. Cristian Batu, “Mirror for Princes (Western).”
Handbook of Medieval Studies: Terms –
Methods – Trends, ed. Albrecht Classen. Vol. 3 (Berlin and New York: Walter de
Gruyter, 2010), 1921-49.
11. Hermann Varnhagen, Ein indisches Märchen auf seiner Wanderung
durch die asiatischen und europäischen Litteraturen (Berlin: Weidmann,
1882).
12. Christopher Stace, Gesta Romanorum: A New Translation. Manchester Medieval Literature
and Culture (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2016); Gesta Romanorum: “exempla” europeos del siglo XIV, ed. de Ventura de la Torre and
Jacinto Lozano Escribano. Clásicos latinos medievales y renacentistas, 16
(Madrid: Tres Cantos, 2004).
13. Juan Manuel, El Conde Lucanor: A Collection of Mediaeval
Spanish Stories, ed. with an Intro., Trans. and Notes by John England
(Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1987); Daniel Devoto, Introducción al estudio de don Juan Manuel y en particular de El Conde
Lucanor: Una bibliografía (Paris: Ediciones Hispano-americanas, 1972).
14. Albrecht Classen, “The People Rise Up against
the Tyrants in the Courtly World: John of Salisbury’s Policraticus, the Fables by
Marie de France and the Anonymous Mai und
Beaflor,” Neohelicon 35.1 (2008):
17-29; Cary J. Nederman, “Tyranny.” Encyclopedia
of Medieval Philosophy Between 500 and 1500, ed. Henrik Lagerlund (2011;
Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2020), 1986-1988; online at:
file:///C:/Users/aclassen/Downloads/Nederman2020_ReferenceWorkEntry_Tyranny.pdf;
Cary J. Nederman, “Three Concepts of Tyranny in Western Medieval Political
Thought,” Contributions to the History of
Concepts 14.2 (2019): 1-22.
15. Grischa Vercamer, Hochmittelalterliche Herrschaftspraxis im
Spiegel der Geschichtsschreibung: Verstellungen von “guter” und
“schlechter”Herrschaft in England, Polen und dem Reich im 12./13. Jahrhundert.
Deutsches Historisches Institut Warschau, Quellen und Studien, 37 (Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz Verlag, 2020); Mario Turchetti, Tyranie et tyrannicide de l’Antiquité à nos jours. Bibliothèque de la Renaissance, 11 (Paris:
Classiques Garnier, 2013).
16. Albrecht Classen, “The People Rise Up against
the Tyrants in the Courtly World: John of Salisbury’s Policraticus, the Fables by
Marie de France and the Anonymous Mai und
Beaflor,” Neohelicon 35.1 (2008):
17–29; Hans-Joachim Schmid, HerrschaftdurchSchrecken
und Liebe: Vorstellungen und Begründungen im
Mittelalter. Orbis mediaevalis, 17 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck
& Ruprecht, 2019); see also the anthology of relevant texts regarding
tyrannicide: Tyrannentötung:
eineTextsammlung, ed. Wilhelm Blum (Munich: Herbert Utz Verlag, 2017).
17. See the contributions to
Die abendländische Freiheit vom 10. zum
14. Jahrhundert: der Wirkungszusammenhang von Idee und Wirklichkeit im
europäischen Vergleich, ed. Johannes Fried. Vorträge und Forschungen /
Konstanzer Arbeitskreis für Mittelalterliche Geschichte, 39 (Sigmaringen:
Thorbecke, 1991).
18. Scott L. Taylor, “Feudalism in Literature and
Society,” Handbook of Medieval Culture:
Fundamental Aspects and Conditions of the European Middle Ages, ed. Albrecht Classen (Berlin
and Boston: Walter de Gruyter, 2015), vol. 1, 465–76.
19. Hans K. Schulze, Grundstrukturen der Verfassung im
Mittelalter. Vol. 4: Das Königtum(Stuttgart: Kohlhammer,
2011); The Routledge History of Monarchy,
ed. Elena Woodacre, Lucinda H.S. Dean, Chris Jones, Russell E. Martin, and Zita
Eva Rohr. The Routledge Histories (London and New York: Routledge, 2019).
20. Boethius, Consolation
of Philosophy, trans., with intro. and notes, by Joel C. Relihan
(Indianapolis, IN, and Cambridge: Hackett Publishing, 2001); cf., for instance,
John Marenbon, Boethius (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2004); cf. also the contributions to The Cambridge Companion to Boethius, ed.
John Marenbon (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009); Boethius Christianus? Transformationen der
“ConsolatioPhilosophiae“ in Mittelalter und FrüherNeuzeit, ed. Reinhold
Glei (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2010); Joachim Gruber, Boethius: eineEinführung. Standorte in
Antike und Christentum, 2 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 2011); The Legacy of Boethius in Medieval England:
The Consolation and Its Afterlives, ed. A. Joseph McMillan and Erica
Weaver. Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 525 (Tempe, AZ: Arizona
Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2018). The literature on Boethius
is, of course, legion.
21. We find a similar case in the somewhat
earlier romance, Der guoteGêrhart
(ca. 1220) by Rudolf von Ems; see my translation: An English Translation of Rudolf von Ems’s Der guoteGêrhart
(Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Press, 2016). There, Emperor Otto
orders the erection of the cathedral of Magdeburg in the assumption that this
would garner him God’s highest praise, but then he has to learn that a simple
merchant in Cologne, Gêrhart, enjoys a much higher reputation and divine esteem
because of his deeply good character.
22. Werner Bergengruen, Die Sultansrose und andere Erzählungen.
Sammlung Klosterberg. Europäische Reihe (Klosterberg and Basel: Benno Schwabe,
1946), 78–95; cf. Gerhard H. Weiss, “Werner Bergengruen,” German Fiction Writers, 1914-1945, ed. James Hardin. Dictionary of Literary Biography, 56
(Detroit, MI: Thomson Gale, 1987), 27–38; Albrecht Classen, “Werner
Bergengruen,” Literary Encyclopedia,
online, first published on Jan. 25, 2021
(https://www.litencyc.com/php/speople.php?rec=true&UID=14708).
23. See the contributions to Princely Virtues in the Middle Ages 1200-1500, ed. István P. Bejczy
and Cary J. Nederman. Disputatio, 9 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007).