Reflections of Society and Gender in Obscene
Folk Rhymes: An Exploration of Shershabadia Community
Masiur
Rahaman
State Aided College Teacher
Department of English
Samsi College
Malda,
West Bengal, India
Abstract: The Bengali language has different dialects depending on the
region. Shershabadia is one of them belonging to the ‘North Central/Varendri’
dialects. This study explores the cultural and
gender dimensions embedded in the obscene folk rhymes of the Shershabadia
community, a historically marginalized mixed group in Bengal, Bihar, and
Jharkhand. Using ten selected rhymes, the paper investigates how these orally
transmitted texts reflect the community’s socio-linguistic identity,
patriarchal values, and evolving social dynamics. Despite being deemed vulgar
or indecent, these rhymes serve as important cultural artifacts that encode
lived experiences, gendered oppression, and symbolic resistance. Through a
sociolinguistic and gender-sensitive lens, the paper reveals how women are
frequently objectified, shamed, or silenced, while men are portrayed as
authority figures or perpetrators of control. However, the rhymes also act as
sites of social commentary—satirizing injustice, mocking societal expectations,
and reflecting the contradictions within a rigidly patriarchal framework. These
rhymes not only illustrate power hierarchies and sexuality but also function as
tools of communal memory and informal resistance. By analyzing obscenity as a
cultural narrative rather than merely offensive language, this research offers
insights into the complexities of gender, identity, and oral tradition in the
Shershabadia society.
Keywords:
Shershabadia, Obscene, Folk Rhymes, Gender Roles, Oral Ttrdition, Cultural
Identity
The Bengali language has different dialects depending on the
region. Each region of West Bengal differs in pronunciation. In this context,
linguist Sukumar Sen and Suniti Kumar Chatterji have classified the Bengali
dialects into five divisions according to their phonology and pronunciation.
They are ‘Eastern/Bengali dialects’, ‘Central/Rarhi dialects’, ‘North
Central/Varendri dialects’, ‘Western/Manbhumi’ dialects, and ‘Kamta, Rajbanshi,
Deshi, and Surjapuri’. Among these, the ‘North Central/Varendri’ dialects are the
main dialects spoken in Rajshahi Division and Southern Rangpur Division of
Bangladesh, and the divisions of Malda and Murshidabad in West Bengal, India.
It is also spoken in the adjacent villages of Bihar bordering Malda.
(Bandyopadhyay 79; Sen 148–150) ‘Shershabadia’ is one of the important
communities of Bengal, Bihar, and Jharkhand. The central source area of this
community is Malda and Murshidabad districts, where they have the largest
population. Their spoken language is also known as ‘Shershabadia’, belonging to
‘North Central/Varendri’. In some places, they are also known as ‘Sarasabadiya’
or ‘Sirsabadiya’. The word ‘Shershabadia’ or ‘Shershabadi’, which is the origin
of the name ‘Shershabad’, has been described by a Historian and writer of middle
age. The term ‘Shershabadia’ actually comes from the word ‘Shershabad’.
‘Shershabad’ is a place described as ‘pargana’ by Lambourn. G. E. Lambourn, a
British administrator, made a significant contribution to the history of the
Malda district by authoring Bengal District Gazetteers: Malda (1918).
This comprehensive document provided valuable insights into the region’s
diverse landscape. Etymologically, ‘Shershabadia’ refers to the people living
in this pargana and the adjacent areas of the Ganges. G. E. Lambourn has
referred to the term ‘Shershabadia’ in the third chapter titled ‘The People’ of
the Bengal District Gazetteers: Malda. He talked about it while dealing
with the issue of revenue collection in the Malda district.
The figures of the 1911 census show a population
of 1,004,159, or an increase of 13.5 percent. The immigration incident has been
constant from the Sonthal Parganas, and there has been a considerable
population increase in the diara tracts, especially amongst the Mahomedans,
known as Shershabadia. The Ganges has also receded to the west, with the result
that large numbers of cultivators from Murshidabad have followed their chars
into the district. (Lambourn 25)
In the book Final
Report on the Survey and Settlement Operations in the District of Malda
1928-1935, M. O. Carter, a British Government Settlement Officer, describes
‘Muhammadan agriculturalists’ and ‘Baidyas.’
The Shersabadiyas. Among the Muhammadan
agriculturists, the most remarkable people are the ‘Shersabadiyas, or more
generally, the Baidyas. The name is derived from Shersabad Pargana of
Murshidabad district, from which they were forced to emigrate owing to the
erosion of the Ganges. (Carter 45)
In his book, A
Statistical Account of Bengal, Vol. 7 (1876), W. W. Hunter, the Director-General
of the Department of Statistics for the British Government in India, mentions
‘Shershahabad’ concerning the production of quality rice. He writes, “Much of
pargana Shershahabad, in the neighbourhood of Gaur, which was nothing but
jungle twenty years ago, now produces good rice crops.” (Hunter 71). In the
subsequent volume of A Statistical Account of Bengal, Hunter mentions
the name ‘Sirsabad.’ Another variant of this name is ‘Sarsabad,’ which can also
appear as ‘Sirsabadia’ by adding the suffix ‘-ya’ to the place name,
‘Sirsabad’: area, 556 acres or -87 square miles; court at Beauleah.” (Hunter
121)
Lambourn, Carter, and
Hunter discussed the original location of the ‘Shershabadia’ people within the
context of British colonialism in the Modern Age. If we go back to the Middle
Ages, we find the original form of the word ‘Shershabad.’ Abu’l-Fazl ibn
Mubarak, also known as Abul Fazl or Abul Fazl-i-Allami (14 January 1551 – 22
August 1602), was an Indian writer and historian who wrote Ain-i-Akbari
where the term ‘Shershabad’ is referred to as ‘Sarsabad’ which expresses
“Adjacent villages of Sarsābād rev. of 10 mahals” and “Adjacent villages of
Maldah, 11 mahls” (Allami 143-144) The area of the Mughal era
Jawar-i-Sarsabad or Sarasabad Division (Circle/Division) was many times larger
than the Shershabad Pargana of the Nawabi-British period.
However, discussing the location, culture, and identity of
‘Shershabadia,’ we should refer to other contemporary opinions in their books.
Abdus Samad, a teacher, a lawyer, and an author, wrote Shershabadiyader
Kathalekhya (1987), the first and original research work on the history,
language, literature, and culture of the Shershabadia Community. In his text,
he connects this Shershabadia as Badia Muslim community with a particular
branch of Afghanistan’s indigenous Pathan Muslim community. The argument in his
text is that there is a possibility of having the residence of the early
ancestors of the Shershabadia in a distant location of an Afghan country or a
fertile region of Afghanistan. There is also a widespread and highly reliable
folklore on this subject. However, at one time, they migrated in groups to the
respective areas of the geographical boundaries of integral Punjab, East
Punjab, and West Punjab.
Dr. Rejaul Karim, a teacher, a writer, and a social activist, has attempted to show the ‘Shershabadia’ as a Muslim community in his text Language and Culture of Shershabadia Community (1999). He links this community with Sher Shah Suri (1486 – 22 May 1545), former Sultan of the Suri Empire. He authenticates and refers to renowned researcher M. O. Carter. Carter said, “Their appearance, however, is unlike that of the typical Mahratta, and it seems more likely that they are descendants of the army of Sher Shah, one of the Afghan kings.” (Carter 45)
Nurul Hasan, a successful businessman, has depicted the society of ‘Shershabad’ through personal experience and interactions with the people of this community. He records this in Shershahbadiya Muslim Samaj, Sanskriti O Bhasha (2018). There is much debate about the origins of the Shershahbadiya community, with each person offering a different account. The term “Badia Muslim” is said to have evolved from “Shershahbad” to “Shershabadia” and eventually to “Badiya”. The community is now commonly referred to as Badia Muslims. Farid Khan was later bestowed with the title of Sher Shah. Members of this community originally hailed from Afghanistan and served as vassals to Sher Shah. Initially arriving in Bengal as soldiers, they settled in various parts of Bengal and Bihar after Sher Shah’s departure. During their time in the region, they honed their farming skills while managing Sher Shah’s estates. So, after the departure of Shershah, all the remaining military feudatories who remained in the country came to be known as ‘Shershabadia’.
Dr. Abdul Wahab, a dedicated teacher and accomplished
writer, has founded ‘Shershabadia Bikash Parishad’ to support the progress of
the ‘Shershabadia’ community. In his text Shershabad and Shershabadia:
Historiography of Shershabadia (2022), he delves deep into the history,
culture, and literature of this community, providing a thorough examination of
the origin of the word “Shershabadia.” The word ‘Sarsabadia’ formed by adding
the suffix ‘-ya’ to the place name ‘Sarsabad’ (> sarsabaida >
sarsabyadyya) is still prevalent as an ethnic name in Bhagwangola and Lalgola
blocks, i.e., Thana areas of Murshidabad. So, it is not worth saying that
‘Shershabadia’ is the original form of ‘Shershabadiya.’ A particular use of the
suffix ‘ya’ in languages , including Hindustani (Urdu/Hindi) of the Indian
subcontinent, is that it is added to nouns to form relative clauses. A
combination of Sanskrit ‘you’ (e.g., Gaur + ‘ya’ = Gauriya) and Arabic ‘-ya’
(e.g., Shukia, Islamia, Jamia) suffixes are seen in words like
‘Shershabadiya.’ Such words include Calcutta [meaning ‘Kolkata’ (Hindi)],
Kanpuria, Nagpuria, Assamese, Faisalabad, etc. There are thousands of pieces of
evidence of the use of ‘Desi’ words formed by adding the suffix ‘-ya’ at the
end of placeholder names. This use of the ‘-ya’ suffix appears to have entered
various regional languages through the official language, Hindustani
(Urdu/Hindi) during the Sultanate period and the Mughal period through Persian,
the official language, and English during the British period.
By profession, a teacher, and a writer, Md. Ibrahim has discussed the origin and settlement of ‘Shershabadia’ in Shershabadia Samaj Lokachar O LokoSanskrity: A Collection of Bangla Essays (2024). He suggests that the Shershabadias are people associated with Sher Shah’s soldiers, paramilitary, navy, and Horsemen (descendants of the army of Sher Shah, one of the Afghan Kings), etc. They settled on both banks of the Bhagirathi River and south of Ramkeli Gaur. Later, they spread to different regions of undivided Bengal and neighbouring states for livelihood. Having lost their army jobs, they turned to agriculture, preferring to live in the riverside areas around ‘Diara’ and ‘Khalbil.’ The word ‘diara’ means ‘island’ or ‘mount’. ‘Diara’ is derived from the original Arabic,’ ‘da-roun,’ ‘Diara’ (plural) > Diara > Diara (uplands formed by rivers). The alluvial area mainly formed across the floodplain of the Ganga River is called ‘Diara.’ “The most striking natural feature is the continuous line of islands and accretions formed in the bed of Ganges by its ever-changing currents and known as diara.” (Carter 69)
After the above
discussion, we consider ‘Shershabadia’ an important community among the many
communities in India. The word ‘Shershabadia’ comes from the word ‘Shershabad’.
‘Shershabad’ is the name of a place and a pargana. Etymologically,
‘Shershabadia’ refers to the people living in this pargana and adjacent areas
as well as their language, but at present the word is used for the majority
peasant class of this pargana (Dr. Md Abdul Wahab, History of Shershabadia
Identity). Although the original land of Shershabadis is ‘Shershababad’,
they are Bengali-Bihar- living permanently in different districts of
Jharkhand. An important aspect of Shershabadia folk literature is the folk
rhymes. In this article, ten obscene folk rhymes are selected from among the
folk rhymes prevalent in Shershabadia society, which have more or less an
impression of obscenity in the language. These rhymes reflect the social life
and the position of women, which is discussed here.
The word ‘obscene’ in the title is a term used to describe words,
images, and activities that are considered criminal or wrong in the eyes of
most contemporary people’s sexual morality. According to the
Merriam-Webster Dictionary, the original English word ‘obscene’ is derived from
the Latin phrase ‘obscenus’, meaning evil, disgusting, tasteless. Two
other English words related to profanity are ‘slang’ and ‘vulgar’. These
‘obscene’ words are body-centered, crude, and limited in use. All
carnality and its secrets are associated with obscenity. This obscenity
is one of the great pastimes of life and is much used by men. Sometimes,
this foul language is used directly, sometimes by implication, and sometimes
through symbols. Sometimes this type of language is used to inspire and
empower men in action. However, the use of this vulgar language to settle
the mind in ‘Kazia’ meant that quarrels are severely observed among the
conflicting members. Also, in Shershabadia society, these rhymes are used
to make cursing, taboo, indecent, hateful, disturbing, and barbaric comments.
Now, if we talk about rhymes, we have folk rhymes, which are
expressions of memorized imagery spoken orally long before our knowledge of
letters. Folklore did not get the status of literature in ancient times,
but today it has managed to get the respect it deserves. Rabindranath
Tagore, considering the aesthetic and social implications, said, “I have
compared rhyme to a cloud. Both are changeable, variegated, floating on the
currents of air. Looks useless. Rhyma Kalabichar is outside the
Shastra, Megh Science has not been caught well within the rules of the Shastra.
But in the material world and the human world, these two turbulent, strange
substances have been forever serving a noble purpose.”
Regarding the type of rhyme, Ashutosh Bhattacharya in his book Lok
Sahitya divides rhyme into three categories, namely secular rhyme, literary
rhyme, and modern rhyme. Rhymes are also divided into different types.
For example, childish rhymes, political rhymes, obscene rhymes, rhymed juvenile
poetry, etc. Among them, nursery rhymes are created only for children's
entertainment. But here, an attempt has been made to present the topic
with the examples of ten rhymes about how social life is depicted in the rhymes
of adults in the society, i.e., vulgar rhymes and rhymes built on these vulgar
words, and the position of women in this depicted society.
1.
Mācha khyābā ṭyānrā
Bhātāra libyā cyāṇṛā.
(মাছ খ্যাবা ট্যাংরা
ভাতার লিব্যা চ্যাংড়া।)
This line of the rhyme ‘Bhatar Libya Changra’ is sexually charged
and vulgar. ‘Vatar’ here means husband, i.e., one who takes responsibility for
providing food, clothing, and the physical needs of a young girl. If he
is Changra, i.e., a young boy of rising age, then he will be able to meet the
physical demands and also perform the duties of rice and clothes
properly. Here, the girls are satisfied with such a young man, but the
dependence of the girls in society has emerged. On the other hand,
‘Tengra’ fish cooked in thick broth is excellent for eating with hot
rice. Tengra fish and hot rice, the favorite food of the Shershabadias,
are finely depicted here.
2.
Bhātārēra bhāta khā'i
Nāṅēra pāẏē tēla
mākhāẏa.
(ভাতারের ভাত খাই
নাঙের পায়ে তেল মাখায়।)
Here, the rhyme is rendered vulgar by the presence of the word
‘nang’ alongside ‘vatar’. ‘Vatar’ refers to a legitimate husband, ‘nang’ refers
to a man other than a legitimate husband with whom an illicit relationship is
kept. This picture shows the characterlessness of women. But in the
context of anointing the feet of the husband or the snake, the woman is shown
as a servant and sexual object of the man. Women’s honour has been
disrespected here. This is an expression of patriarchy.
3.
Māgi ōṭhē gāchē
Hulā bilāẏa lāchē.
(মাগি ওঠে গাছে
হুলা বিলায় লাছে।)
There is no problem in this rhyme that a man will climb a
tree. It does not seem inconsistent to anyone. But when a woman
climbs a tree, it is exceptional in the eyes of society. It is so unusual
that ‘Hulo’, the cat, laughs, sings, and dances after seeing that scene.
Here, the cat is revealed to be an insignificant animal. This little cat
started dancing after seeing the unusual sight of the girl climbing the tree.
Again, the ‘Hulo’ means hole or scrotum; the cat can be a male
symbol here, i.e., a sensual man like the Hulo cat can climb a tree or attract
by dancing or gestures to get the illicit company of such a promiscuous
woman. Here, women doing activities like men outside the home are not
looked upon favorably. Shershabadia women are generally not involved or
allowed to engage in land and business activities away from home, although
nowadays they are also employed due to the increase in female education.
Through this rhyme, we can see that this society is patriarchal. In society,
men can do whatever they want, restrictions only for women.
4.
Garu bāndhō ām̐iṭyā
Bēṭichyālākē mārō
khum̐iṭyā
(গরু বান্ধো অাঁইট্যা
বেটিছ্যালাকে মারো খুঁইট্যা।)
The expression of obscenity in the drawing is not direct.
Obscenity consists in the sexual-cruel abuse of a man on a woman's body.
Betichalya here means women who are considered inferior to cows. It is
said that cows should be tied with ropes to keep them under control. But
to control the woman, he has to hurt her. This blow is said to be struck
not with a hand or a stick, but with something strong and thick like a
pole. It is clear from this rhyme that the proponents of this rhyme are
calling for drastic measures to keep girls oppressed. Of course, this rhyme
should not mean all Shershabadia men. Here, uneducated, uncivilized, and
barbaric-minded men are the inventors of this type of rhyme.
5.
Jā'ra gu gāẏa gāẏa
Nanadēra gu gundhāẏa.
(জা'র গু গায় গায়
ননদের গু গুন্ধায়।)
The joint or joint family is found through this rhyme. This family
is made up of many members, including the father-in-law, mother-in-law, the
daughter-in-law, and their children. Whereas ‘Ja’ means the wife of ‘Vasur’ or
‘Deor’, ‘Nanad’ is the husband’s sister. ‘Gu’ means shit, which is used as a
symbol of quality in this rhyme. The family that is mentioned in this rhyme is
male-dominated. Their girls are dependent on fathers or husbands.
While girls are somewhat independent in their father’s house, in
the in-laws’ house, family members have to keep up. So seeing the freedom of
the nuns in the in-laws, Zayed’s heart burned. In the family, the nuns feel
helpless. As a result, they turn themselves against the nuns, smearing their
mutual faults as perfume. On the other hand, the faults of the nuns seem to be
‘Gu’, i.e., toilet or filth from which stench or disease or trouble or disturbance
arises. The role of women in quarrels and breakdowns in a joint or joint family
is captured in this rhyme.
6.
Bahu kyā'ilyā
A'ibyāri śālā samandira
byāṭā.
(বহু ক্যাইল্যা
অাইব্যারি শালা সমন্দির ব্যাটা।)
In this rhyme, ‘Bohu’, the Shershabadia word, means wife, and
‘Ibari’ means gatak. ‘Shala-samandi’ means wife’s brother. The picture
depicts the deception of society. When the husband goes to see the wife, a
beautiful, fair girl is shown. After the marriage is fixed, the gorgeous girl
is sent to the in-laws’ house as a bride to change into. When the parties are
thus deceived, they abuse the ‘Ghatak’ as a ‘shala-samandir bata’. Here, the
words ‘Shala-samandi’, i.e., ‘wife’s brother’ or ‘grandfather’, show an
obscenity in taking Ghatak’s sister as his wife without marrying her. Thus,
Ghatak’s sister was belittled.
Here, a girl is made a scapegoat for ‘Ghatak’s’ strength and
marriage. The painful life conditions of marriageable, unattractive brides are
revealed. The painful social pain of a daughter-riding father is also shown
here.
7.
Bēţi mōṛala
minasyā gāmṛō'ila.
(বেটি মোড়ল
মিনস্যা গাঁড়োইল।)
No profanity is found in the first line. In the second line,
the rhyme is vulgarized by the use of the word minsya. Beti means girls;
Moral means those who are the leaders or decision makers in the society.
Minsya means men. Gandoil means donkey. A discussion of the rhyme
shows that it is disrespectful to women. It can be assumed that the
origin of this rhyme is from male thinking, where the decision-making process
will be dominated only by men, not women. If in a society, women are the
heartbreakers, then the status of men is that of donkeys. From here
emerged the patriarchal position in society, where girls are not respected.
8.
Ādara kairayā bahu kām̐ṭhāla nā khāẏa
Sē'i bahu kām̐nṭā'i
yāẏyā bhūm̐ti cām̐ṭā'i.
(আদর কৈর্যা বহু কাঁঠাল না খায়
সেই বহু কাঁন্টাই যায়্যা ভূঁতি চাঁটাই।)
This rhyme is vulgar, and the speech is poetic. Here, “Kanthal Na
Khaya” means “does not eat the ripe jackfruit,” and ‘Bhunti’ refers to the
yellow-colored, soft, thick, flat thread-like parts or fibers of the jackfruit.
Many say it relates to the wife, who does not want to have physical relations
with her husband. She wants to leave her husband and have sexual relations with
another person. This shows that the wife has a character defect.
But if you interpret it in another way, if that girl loved someone
before getting married, she got married to another man instead of marrying the man
she loved. That's why he takes care of his family. The mind rests on the
object of its love. This suggests that women's opinions are not
acceptable in a patriarchal society, even in their marriages. As a
result, there is a lot of chaos in society, and many families are broken.
9.
Du’khāna ṭhyāṁ phām̐ka kairayā
Mājha barābara cāpa
diẏyā
Pam̐capam̐cāni kāma
sā'irā
Dilā sē'i cāpanēra cāpa.
(দু’খান ঠ্যাং ফাঁক কৈর্যা
মাঝ বরাবর চাপ দিয়্যা
পঁচপঁচানি কাম সাইরা
দিলা সেই চাপনের চাপ।)
This rhyme is a pornographic expression of sexual acts. Behind
this revelation, however, lies good meaning. It doesn't need much
analysis; it can be easily guessed. This is a betel nut cutting scene.
From this, it can be understood that this is a sarcastic rhyme of funny people
in society. These are called Foshiti (riddle) in the Shershabadia
language. However, in this narrative, women are portrayed as degraded and
consumed by offering jaanti to men and betel nuts to women, and men are
glorified as victims.
10.
Bhātāra gyālō nāṅ gyālō
Alu bēcyā phāla hailō.
(ভাতার গ্যালো নাঙ্ গ্যালো
আলু বেচ্যা ফাল হৈলো।)
‘Vatar’ means husband, ‘Nang’ means next-of-kin, and ‘Fal’ means
the fruit of the plough. The girl has an affair with a gentile, so her husband
leaves her in anger. The girl grew potatoes for her hobby or comfort, and sold
them. But his nan, i.e., the other man, is not good or responsible. He was in a
relationship for the sake of money. Now he also ran away with that money.
As a result, sorrow fell into his life, which has been ironically compared to
the fruits of the plough. Here, even if the girl is proved to be a bad
bitch, the boys are also not washed tulsi-leaves, i.e. they are also
characterless and wicked.
Each of the rhymes used above is notable for the use of one or
more vulgar words. However, whether the rhymes are partly or wholly
obscene is open to debate and evaluation. Different communities and
individuals have different ideas of what is indecent and what is modest.
Moreover, the definition of what is considered obscene has also changed over
time. What is considered obscene at one time may not be regarded as vulgar at
another. However, despite the differences of region, vernacular, and
period, I have grasped the issue of obscenity in terms of commonly understood
evidence. Driven by this spirit, I have shown the social life and the position
of women in this writing by including ten rhymes. Obscene
folk rhymes, often marginalized as vulgar or indecent, serve as critical
cultural documents that encode the socio-gender realities of the communities
that produce them. In the context of the Shershabadia community, such rhymes
offer a window into the lived experiences, suppressed voices, and collective
consciousness of a historically marginalized group. Far from being merely
licentious entertainment, these oral traditions reveal nuanced perspectives on
gender roles, marital dynamics, sexuality, power hierarchies, and the implicit
resistance to patriarchal norms.
In
conclusion, obscene folk rhymes within the Shershabadia community function as a
powerful cultural mirror, reflecting deeply entrenched gender norms, social
hierarchies, and collective anxieties. Though often dismissed as vulgar or
inappropriate, these rhymes offer critical insights into the community’s perceptions
of femininity, masculinity, sexuality, and power. Women, in particular, are
frequently objectified or ridiculed, revealing the patriarchal undercurrents
that shape both public discourse and private lives. However, these rhymes also
serve as tools of resistance and satire, subtly challenging moral authority and
social control. By analyzing them through a gender-sensitive and sociocultural
lens, we can better understand how oral traditions encode both conformity and
contestation. Thus, obscene folk rhymes are not merely crude expressions—they
are significant cultural texts that capture the complexities of identity,
resistance, and social commentary within the Shershabadia community.
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http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary
Names of Collection Source
1. Qazi Nazir Hussain,
Occupation: Medical Representative, Father Name: Sheesh Mohammad, Village Name:
Bhado, Samsi, Malda.
2. Matiur Rahman
Occupation: Nursery School Teacher, Father Name: Qayyum, Village Name:
Baluaghat, Harishchandrapur, Malda.
3. Liaquat Ali,
Occupation: Farmer, Village Name: Jagannathpur, Harishchandrapur, Malda.
4. Moh: Alauddin,
Occupation: Tutor, Village Name: Chagharia, Harishchandrapur, Malda.
5. Tariqul Islam,
Occupation: College Teacher, Village Name Karkaria, Harishchandrapur, Malda.
6. Dr. Zakir Hossain,
Profession: Quack Doctor, Father Name: Amjad Hossain, Village Name: Talgachi,
Harishchandrapur, Malda.
7. Ruhul Amin,
Occupation: Student, Father Name: Moh Jalaluddin, Village Name: Talgachi,
Harishchandrapur, Malda.
8. Moha: Mainul Haque,
Profession: Madrasa Teacher, Village Name: Sambalpur, Pukhuri, Malda.
9. Wazir Ali,
Occupation: Migrant Labourer, Village Name: Talgachi, Harishchandrapur, Malda.
10. Rafiqul Islam,
Occupation: Tuition Teacher, Village Name: Budhia, Malda.