The
Sarazi Grammars: A Descriptive Sketch in Linguistics
Dr. Ravi Parihar
Former Researcher
& Faculty
Shri Mata Vaishno
Devi University
Jammu and Kashmir, India
Abstract: This paper presents a descriptive sketch of
the Sarazi grammars. Sarazi is the language of the distinct speech varieties
that are spoken in the Saraz region of the Jammu division in India. Demarcating
the exact geography of Saraz, the speakers of Sarazi are found abundantly in
the major locations such as Ramban, Doda, and Kishtwar. A map is presented in
the introduction section of the paper for more clarity of the Saraz area, where
the Sarazi vernacular is articulated. The present study focuses on the grammatical
sketch based on the morpho-syntax of Sarazi. It also talks about the past
studies conducted on the Sarazi grammar(s). In addition to this, the linguistic
profile of the Sarazi speech community is discussed on the basis of the
sociolinguistic and socio-cultural set up of the Saraz area.
Keywords: Jammu,
Sarazi grammars, Sarazi language,
Sarazi vernacular
1. Previous Studies on Sarazi
The earlier studies on the Sarazi language
have been carried out by the researchers such as, Grierson; Mahajan;
Ashiquehind; Parihar & Dwivedi; and
Bhat & Niaz. Their contribution towards Sarazi is discussed
in this section of the paper. Mahajan (2018) introduces Saraz and
Sarazi in his anthropological research, where he situates the language and
linguistic zone of the natives of the Saraz topography. He further informs that
the geography of Saraz is a large area, which stretches from Kuntwara village
(of district Kishtwar) up to the village Rajgarh of district Ramban. The names
of the various villages of Saraz have also been mentioned that fall between
Kuntwara and Rajgarh. One of the most important points Mahajan mentions is that
the Saraz region is located only on the eastern-right bank of the mighty river
Chenab. He also adds a fact that no part of the Saraz region is spread over on
the western bank of the aforesaid river. The present research informs the
linguistic world about the Saraz area: its location, and natural demarcation
through Chenab. This is reflected in a self designed map of Saraz. Mahajan’s
work shows relevance to the present study as it discusses the people of Saraz
and their lifestyle including language and culture. Therefore, this article is
relevant to the present study.
Bhat & Niaz (2014)
contributed a chapter on Siraji; it is an alternate orthographic
representation of the word Sarazi. Both the terms are valid and
interchangeable ones (Parihar, 2016). While accessing this chapter on Sarazi,
it was realized that the data of Sarazi were erroneously presented by the
authors. This fissure on inaccuracy and misrepresentation of data lead to the
genesis of the first of its kind research on the language documentation of
Sarazi, and the outcome is a linguistic grammar. Parihar and Dwivedi (2019) presented a
linguistic grammar of Sarazi in the form of a book titled “A Grammar of
Sarazi”. This book is an excerpt of the doctoral thesis A Linguistic Grammar
of the Sarazi Language. Another researcher, Ashiqehind (2018) presents
Sarazi as an endangered language of the Saraz region. Further, He states that
the speech community of Saraz employs Hindi and Urdu while executing the
communication with their children. It is exclusively cited as the reason that
holds Sarazi in the list of endangered languages of the Jammu
division. Grierson’s linguistic survey of India (1898-1928) is the
oldest reference to the Sarazi language of district Doda. He uses the alternate
term Siraji in eighth volume of LSI. Sarazi is still a non-scheduled
language of India, despite sparing a few pages and presenting its brief
linguistic sketch in the Linguistic Survey of India. In brief, Sarazi hasn’t
been categorized as the scheduled language of India till date. However, Grierson’s
literature on Sarazi is significant as it motivates the contemporary
researchers to conduct a comprehensive research on this indigenous language of
Saraz.
2. Sarazi Speakers: An Introduction
The speakers of Sarazi are polyglots. They
usually speak Sarazi, and along with it, their lingua franca is Hindustani
(mixed Hindi-Urdu). Majority of the Sarazi speakers do speak the other regional
languages such as, Bhadarwahi, Kashmiri, and the different accents of Sarazi as
well. This reflects the multilingual ability of a Sarazi speaker. The census of
India 2011 notifies the total population of district Doda as four lac nine
thousand & nine hundred thirty six (409936) including the strength
(75376 persons) of its sub-district Bhadarwah, where Bhadarwahi is the
primary language of its natives. Besides these figures, the population of Ramban
and Kishtwar also contributes toward the total strength of the Sarazi
speakers fully and partially respectively. To figure out the approximate
number of Sarazi speakers, it is important to tabulate the figures as per the
census of India (2011). The table follows as:
Table 1: Population & the Sarazi Speakers
01 |
District Doda (Total Persons) |
Bhadarwah (Persons)-I |
Bhalessa (Persons)-II |
Thathri (Persons)-III |
Sarazi Speakers = Total Persons minus
Persons-I, II, II |
409936 |
75376 |
71889 |
59955 |
202716 |
|
02 |
District Ramban (Total Persons) |
Hindu (Persons) |
Muslim (Persons) |
Others (Immigrants) |
Sarazi Speakers = Total Persons minus
Muslim & Others |
283713 (100%) |
79439.64 (28%) |
198599.1 (70%) |
5674.26 (2%) |
79439.64 |
|
03 |
District Kishtwar (Total Persons) |
*Hindu (Persons) |
Muslim (Person) |
Others (Immigrants) |
Sarazi Speakers = Muslim & Others minus
* (1.25% of HN) |
|
230696 (100%) |
93931 (40.72%) |
133225 (57.75%) |
1446 (01.53%) |
1174.13 |
Total population of Sarazi Speakers (Doda +
Ramban + Kishtwar) = |
202716 + 79439.64 + 1174.13 = 283329.77 |
The above mentioned table shows the total
population of the Sarazi speakers as per the census of India 2011. The
population figured in the table may vary at the present time, the year 2024.
Since 2011, census has not been conducted afresh. Therefore, it is genuinely
admitted that the Sarazi language has its speakers in abundance. However, the
contemporary scenario reflects that the attrition of Sarazi is taking place as
the children started speaking Hindi, Urdu, English et cetera. The medium of
instruction at school is the only reason of language shift and gradually Sarazi
is being neglected. Contemporary parents are responsible for this situation.
However, solution to the problem of attrition is addressed in the conclusion
section of the current paper. The area of Sarazi speaking is highlighted in the
map 1, & map 2. For the clear understanding of the regions where Sarazi
speakers are found is highlighted in the additional maps presented in the
appendices section of the paper (see appendix 1 & 2). As highlighted in the
map of India (map 1), it shows the blue color region of the Jammu province,
which accommodates the targeted districts; Doda, Ramban, and Kishtwar (see Map
2).
Map 1: INDIA [Blue Color = J&K]
Map 2: Sarazi Regions [Ramban = Green] [Doda
= Pink] [Kishtwar = Blue]
3. Methodology:
This section discusses the particular methods
of research that have been followed in the present study. To locate the Sarazi
language and its widespread existence within the geography of Saraz, it
was imperative to develop the handmade maps (see the appendix 1 & 2), which
are presented successfully in the current paper. The maps highlight the major
regions of Saraz (Ramban, Doda, & Kishtwar) where Sarazi is spoken. The
abbreviations and symbols have also been marked well on the maps. In addition, it
is also important to mention that the texts published specializing in the
field linguistics and language documentation1 has been the source of motivation to the present
research. Further, the current paper follows the approaches: arm chair
approach and dirty feet2
(Crowley, 2007). Also, the digital maps
are presented (map 1 & map 2).
The primary source of data is the native
speakers of Sarazi, who were consulted during the years 2014-19 when the
extensive research was conducted on Sarazi. Also, the speakers of Sarazi from
Ramban were consulted lately during the write up of the present paper. In
addition, the secondary sources for the present research comprises of books
on field linguistics, district census handbooks, and books
written by casual writers of Sarazi (Bashir Ahmed Bashir; Jai Mal Singh
Katoch; & Jagdev Singh Bandral).
Also, the wordlists of Samarin, Abbi, and Brightbill &
Turner were consulted. Primary as well as secondary sources proved helpful
in conducting the present study.
4. Sarazi Grammars: A Linguistic Description
The
Sarazi language has its distinct speech varieties, which are found at diverse
locations of the Saraz region. It is imperative to enlist the speech accents of
Sarazi. These are Kashtwali, Bhagwali, Deshwali, Jodhpuri, Korarwali, and
Jathelwali. These speeches of Sarazi are spoken in their respective regions Kashtigarh,
Bhagwah, Dessa, Jodhpur, Korara, & Jatheli. This list of locations and
accents of Sarazi is not the final one; it may include the other names as well.
However, these are the prominent ones mentioned in the present study. In
present research, the possibility of writing multiple grammars of Sarazi is the
notable prospect. It is equally important to mention that there is only one
comprehensive grammar on Sarazi, titled A Grammar of Sarazi (Parihar
& Dwivedi, 2019). In present context, the word ‘grammar’ is employed in its
plural form, ‘grammars’ with reference to Sarazi. The former sentence clearly
points out that there are no multiple grammars of Sarazi till now. However, a
researcher from Tamil Nadu, India has been conducting research on historical
grammar of Sarazi. This research is being carried out at Leiden University,
Netherlands (personal communication, 2024). As per extant of the multiple accents
of Sarazi, the separate descriptive grammars of Sarazi can be researched on,
documented, and presented before the literary world of linguistics. Writing the
distinctive grammars of Sarazi is the vast scope for future researchers. The
present research considers the plural word-grammars as the
cross-linguistic examples would help in substantiating the arguments under
discussion. Hence the plural use of the word ‘grammar’ is justified. The
sub-section to this section follows as:
5. Phonological sketch of Sarazi
This sub-section discusses the phonemic
sounds in Sarazi; it has 37 consonants and 11 vowels in its phonemic inventory
(Parihar, 2019). Consonants are found at the word initial (WI), medial (WM),
and final (WF) positions in majority of the words in Sarazi. However, the
places of consonant occurring show some exceptions, such as, /ɖʰ/ does not
occupy the WM position; /ɡʰ/, /tʃ/, /dʰ/, /zʰ/ & /dʒʰ/ at the WF positions,
and /ɳ/, & /ŋ/ at the WI positions. Ten vowels in Sarazi exhibit the
capacity of taking tilde, a nasal symbol. Such vowels are the nasal ones. There
is also an exception; the low central short vowel /ɑ/ in Sarazi hardly permits
the nasal symbol to modify its pronunciation as the nasal one does. Sarazi has
many diphthongs. However, triphthong(s) in Sarazi is an exception, or
these are fewer in number.
Dixon (p. 224) establishes that the most
common syllable in the world languages is CV (Consonant-Vowel). However, the
basic syllabic structure in Sarazi is VC as in /ɪŋ/ ‘this’, /ʊŋ/
‘that’, /ɪɳ/ ‘these’, and /ʊɳ/ ‘those’. In other examples, it can be found
as the CV pattern, such examples are, /tʊ/ ‘you’, /so/ ‘he/she’, /teː/ ‘him’, /ɡə/
‘go’, /mə̃/ ‘not’, /nə̃/ ‘not’ et cetera. These are followed by the CVC pattern as in /tel/ ‘there’, /mel/ ‘meet’,
and /kol/ ‘where’. In addition, the other pattern is also observed in the
Sarazi phonology as, VCV /ɪle/ ‘here’ /ʊle/ ‘there’, /ɪnɪ/ ‘like this’, and /ʊnɪ/
‘like that’. Expressing briefly, the
phonological sketch of Sarazi presented in the present paper is based on the
speech variety of Sarazi that is found in Jodhpur (10-12 villages) and
the villages adjoining it. It is interesting to note that a comprehensive
phonological sketch of Sarazi can be established based on the study of multiple
accents of Sarazi. This would help in realizing a comparative phonology of
varieties of Sarazi. However, this could be a matter of separate research.
6. Morphological description of Sarazi
This section presents the structure of the
words existing in the multiple accents of Sarazi. Also, it enlists the multiple
lexical items for a single word ‘boy’ or ‘girl’, as presented in the table
2.
Table 2ː multiple lexical items for a single
word in Sarazi
S.No. |
Sarazi Word |
Saraz region |
English gloss |
1. |
məʈʈʰo |
Jodhpur, Bhagwah, Korara |
Boy or Son |
2. |
mʊ̃ɖo |
Ramban |
|
3. |
kʊwo |
Jodhpur |
|
4. |
niko |
Pogal in Ramban |
|
5. |
kʊɽɪ |
Ramban |
Girl or Daughter |
6. |
rẽʈɪ
|
Jodhpur |
|
7. |
kʊj
|
Jodhpur |
|
8. |
dʰiː |
Jodhpur |
It is evident from the table 2, that Sarazi has diverse words for a single word of English ‘boy’ and a ‘girl’ separately. This fact foretells the possibility of other lexical items of Sarazi that may have multiple expressions for a single word when compared with Hindi, English, or any other language. Similarly, there are different verbial words of Sarazi, which are equivalent to the English word ‘eat’; examples follow as, /kʰɑːl/ (Pogali accent of the Saraz region) and /kʰɑ̃ː/ (accent prevalent in Jodhpur area of Saraz). Both the Sarazi words mean ‘eat’.
In morphological
context, the present auxiliaries /tʃʰɑː/ and /tʃʰeː/ are in the singular form.
The first auxiliary is always employed in a sentence when the subject of the
sentence behaves as the feminine one. However, the latter auxiliary concords
with the masculine pronoun at subject position. At this point, one important
insight needs to be noted and established. The use of these distinct auxiliary
forms is traced in the villages of Saraz such as, Birshala, Bhagwah, Beoli,
Bijarni, etc. It is a strange, but factual point to note that the speakers of Sarazi
in Jodhpur hardly use the first auxiliary /tʃʰɑː/. Instead of it, the only
present auxiliary /tʃʰeː/ is engaged by both the masculine and feminine
subjects. To understand the point clearly, the examples are given asː
1. Sarazi (Birshala):
/əʊ̃ roʈɪ
kʰɑ̃ː tʃʰɑː/
I.1.SG.F food eat.OBL AUX.PRST.SG.F
‘I eat food.’
2. Sarazi (Birshala):
/əʊ̃ roʈɪ
kʰɑ̃ː tʃʰeː/
I.1.SG.M food eat.OBL AUX.PRST.SG.M
‘I eat food.’
3. Sarazi (Jodhpur):
/əʊ̃ roʈɪ
kʰɑ̃ː tʃʰeː/
I.1.SG food eat.OBL AUX.PRST.SG
‘I eat food.’
In examples (1) & (2), the gender of /əʊ̃/
‘I.1.SG’ is attested with respect to the kind of auxiliary employed. However,
Jodhpur version of the Sarazi pronoun-auxiliary use does not accommodate
the auxiliary /tʃʰɑː/. Instead, Masculine and feminine subjects use the only
auxiliary /tʃʰeː/. The debate on the types of auxiliaries and their behavior is
deliberated up on in the syntactic section of the paper. Some other important
points pertaining to the morphological description of Sarazi are also discussed
here in the subsection 6.1.
6.1 Sarazi Words Formation: Processes & Strategies
This subsection discusses the word formation
processes and the word formation strategies in the Sarazi language. There are
multiple processes of formation of words in Sarazi such as, affixation,
compounding, blending, derivation, inflection, and borrowing. Most commonly
Sarazi observes prefixation, suffixation, compounding, and borrowing. Examples
of affixation follow as: /kʊ-kəm/ ‘unpleasant work’, /ən-pəɽ/ ‘uneducated’, /əd-məro/
‘half dead’, /põs-no/ ‘to wipe’, and /beːɽ-no/ ‘to sweep’. Some compounding examples in Sarazi are attested as, /bəb-mɑːlɪ/ ‘parents’, /mɑːli-dʰiː/ ‘mother-daughter’, /bəb-pʊtər/ ‘father son’, /nɑːno -nɑːnɪ/ ‘maternal grandparents’, /dɑːdo-dɑːdɪ/ ‘paternal grandparents’, etc. In
addition, Sarazi borrows the English words in its lexicon as, ‘master’,
‘doctor’, ‘school’, ‘glucose’, ‘machine’, etc. However, the pronunciation of
these borrowed items differs in Sarazi as, /mɑːʃʈər/, /ɖɑːɡdər/, /səkuːl/, and
/ɡʊlkoːs/. There is an exception to the ‘machine’ word; it is pronounced
exactly as in English /məʃiːn/. Contrary
to word formation processes, the strategies of forming the words in Sarazi are
different, which follow asː
6.2 Word Formation
Strategy (WFS)
The various word formation strategies are noted in the formation of
Sarazi words; these strategies exhibit the categories of the words formed such
as, gender (masculine-feminine), and number (singular-plural). However, the
words with reference to grammatical person (1, 2, & 3) are excluded
from the strategies of forming the words in Sarazi. In morphological context,
the words of Sarazi in its diverse accents can be strategically formed taking
into account the word based description (Agnihotri & Singh). However, it is
purely a concern of a separate research.
/mɑ̃ːtʃʰo/ ‘man’ /mɑ̃ːtʃʰ-e/ ‘men’
/kʊlwɑ̃ʃ/ ‘woman’ /kʊlwɑ̃ʃ-ɪ/ ‘women’
/renʈɪ/ ‘girl’ /renʈɪ-jo/ ‘girls’
/lʊhɑːr/ ‘blacksmith’ /lʊhɑːr-əɳ/ ‘blacksmith’s wife’
/ʃʊɳɑː/ ‘dog’ /ʃʊɳɑː-wɑ/ ‘dogs’
Taking into account
the WFS 1-5, it is observed that only the suffixes are added to the root words,
which are strategically modified and formed. In addition, the color
adjectives in Sarazi accommodate the sound segments /-o/ & /-ɪ/ at the
word final positions as in /kɑːlo/ ‘black’, /tʃʰɪto/ ‘white’, /niːlo/ ‘blue’,
/hiːdro/ ‘yellow’ and /kɑːlɪ/ ‘black’, /tʃʰɪtɪ/ ‘white’, /niːlɪ/ ‘blue’,
/hiːdrɪ/ ‘yellow’. The vowels /-o/ and /-ɪ/ are marked for the
masculine and feminine adjectives respectively. Interestingly, when the color
adjective of Sarazi is followed by another word as usually employed by the
native speakers, the preceding adjective conveys the meaning as
‘extremely’. This point is substantiated with examples asː /tʃʰɪto səfeːd/
meaning anything that is ‘extremely white’, /niːlo kəʃɑːp/ ‘extremely blue’,
& /kɑːlo ʈʰɪʈʰ/ ‘extremely black’. In morphological context, Dixon (p.151)
argues that the English language does not accommodate separate terms for the
mother’s mother and father’s mother, both are grandmothers. He further
addresses that there are many languages in the world that express four
distinctive terms for grandparents. Dyirbal is one of the languages that have
four grandparent terms. Similarly, Sarazi admits four kinship terms for the
grandparents such as, /dɑːdo/ ‘father’s father’, /dɑːdɪ/ ‘father’s mother’,
/nɑːno/ ‘mother’s father’, and /nɑːnɪ/ ‘mother’s mother’. It is evident from
this fact that Sarazi is morphologically a rich language. Also, Sarazi exhibits
two genders (masculine & feminine); two numbers (singular & plural);
and three persons (I, II, & III). Interestingly, unlike the English pronoun
‘you’, Sarazi admits two pronouns for ‘you’, the examples follow as, /tʊ/
‘you.2.SG’ (it is non honorific one) & /tuː/ ‘you.2.SG/PL’. The latter
pronoun in Sarazi serves two purposes; firstly, it is employed as the singular
one for someone who is an older to the addresser. Its use in singular form
shows honorificity. Secondly, when it is used in plural context, it shows that
there are many addressees, who are generally addressed in an honorific manner.
The detailed nature of the pronouns can be realized separately in the syntactic
part of the paper. The next section of the paper deals with the types of
sentences, and their formation in Sarazi.
7. Syntactic Structure: examples from Sarazi accents
This section presents the structure of the Sarazi sentences. Firstly, it
is important to discuss the grammatical agreement in Sarazi. The examples
follow as:
(1) Sarazi (Ramban): /mʊ̃ɖo roʈɪ kʰɑ̃ː tʃʰo/
Boy.SG food.F eat.OBL AUX.PRST.M.SG
‘Boy eats food.’
(2) Sarazi (Ramban): /kʊɽɪ
roʈɪ kʰɑ̃ː tʃʰɪ/
Girl.SG
food.F eat.OBL AUX.PRST.M.SG
‘Girl eats food.’
(3) Sarazi (Jodhpur): /rẽʈɪ roʈɪ kʰɑ̃ː tʃʰɪ/
Girl.SG food.F eat.OBL AUX.PRST.M.SG
‘Girl eats food.’
(4) Sarazi (Korara): /məʈʰo roʈɪ
kʰɑ̃ː ho/
Boy.SG food.F eat.OBL AUX.PRST.M.SG
‘Boy eats food.’
(5) Sarazi (Korara): /kʊj roʈɪ kʰɑ̃ː hɪ/
Girl.SG food.F eat.OBL AUX.PRST.M.SG
‘Girl eats food.’
In the sentences of Sarazi (1-5), the subject-auxiliary agreement is
observed. Main verb remains at default and doesn’t agree with the subject of
the sentence. It is important to annotate that /tʃʰo/ and /tʃʰɪ/ (1-2) are equivalent
to /ho/ and /hɪ/ auxiliaries (4-5), as communicated by the native speakers of
Sarazi. The distinct lexical items are noted for a noun at the subject
position, as found in the sentences (1-5). This issue of the lexical entry is
discussed in the morphological section of the paper. Here, the grammatical
agreement of Sarazi is identical to the agreement of the Saroori language
(Subject-Auxiliary). However, the grammatical agreement in Bhadarwahi is
different (Subject-Verb) when compared with Sarazi and Saroori. Hindi
and Bhadarwahi show the similar agreement (subject-auxiliary). An example for
Bhadarwahi agreement follows as: (a) /rəmeʃ roʈɪ kʰɑːto ɑe/
‘Ramesh eats food.’ and (b) /sɑːdʰnɑ roʈɪ kʰɑːtɪ ɑe/ ‘Sadhna eats food.’ In
examples (a) and (b) of Bhadarwahi, the main verb /kʰɑːto/ and /kʰɑːtɪ/ agree
with their gendered subjects, Ramesh and Sadhna respectively. All the auxiliaries in Sarazi are highlighted
in the tabulated form as:
Table 3: Auxiliaries of the Sarazi language
Tense |
Masculine |
Feminine |
Region |
Present
(SG) |
/tʃʰo/ |
/tʃʰɪ/ |
Jodhpur |
/ho/ |
/hɪ/ |
Korara |
|
Present
(PL) |
/he/ |
/hɪ-jo/ |
Korara |
/tʃʰe/ |
/tʃʰɪ-jo/ |
Jodhpur |
|
Past
(SG) |
/bʊto/ |
/bʊtɪ/ |
Jodhpur,
Korara, Prem Nagar, Kashtigarh, Bhagwah |
Past
(PL) |
/bʊte |
/bʊt-jo/ /bʊt-jɑ/ |
Jodhpur,
Ganika
(in Bhagwah) |
Future
(SG) |
/lɑːw/ |
/lɑːj/ |
Jodhpur,
Jatheli, Doda |
Future
(PL) |
/lɑːj/ |
/lɑːj-o/ |
Saraz
(R,
D, & K) |
In table 3, the auxiliaries /tʃʰo/ and /tʃʰɪ/ are in the present tense
singular form for the masculine and feminine subjects. These are found in the
Jodhpur region of Saraz. The equivalent auxiliariesː /ho/ and /hi/ are
pronounced by the native speakers in the Korara area of Saraz. Similarly, the
plural present auxiliaries /tʃʰe/ & /tʃʰɪ-jo/ and /he/ & /hɪ-jo/ are
realized in the regions, Jodhpur and Korara respectively. Also, the Sarazi
grammars admit the uniform past tense singular auxiliaries /bʊto/ & /bʊtɪ/
in the multiple regions of Saraz. Here, /-o/ and /-i/ are the masculine and
feminine markers of the auxiliaries. The past tense plural auxiliary for
masculine gender is /bʊte/, which is pronounced alike in Jodhpur and Ganika
regions of Saraz. Consider the auxiliaries /bʊt-jo/ ‘Fem.PL’ and /bʊt-jɑ/
‘Fem.PL’ are noted in Jodhpur and Ganika. In these feminine plural past
auxiliaries, the markers /-jo/ and /-jɑ/ are distinct in the aforementioned
regions (Ganika & Jodhpur). The use of these auxiliaries is a separate
matter of sentence construction in Sarazi. At the moment, it is time to discuss
the kinds of sentences in Sarazi.
7.1 Sarazi Sentencesː Types
This subsection discusses the types of sentences found in Sarazi.
Simple Sentence in Saraziː [Intransitive]
7(a). Jodhpur versionː /tsəɽolɪ ʊbər tʃʰɪ/
Sparrow.F fly Aux.Prst.SG.F
‘Sparrow flies.’
7(b). Ganika versionː /tsəɽolɪ
ʊbrə nɪ/
Sparrow.F fly
Aux.Prst.SG.F
‘Sparrow
flies.’
7(c). Korara versionː /tsəɽolɪ ʊbər hɪ/
Sparrow.F fly Aux.Prst.SG.F
‘Sparrow flies.’
The examples 7(a), 7(b), & 7(c) show the intransitive
sentence structure of the Sarazi accents of the regions, namely Jodhpur,
Ganika, and Korara. Furthermore, in
(a), (b), & (c) sentences, the distinct auxiliaries /tʃʰɪ/, /nɪ/, & /hɪ/
are observed, which represent their respective regions of Saraz. This shows the
richness of the lexical entries in Sarazi. In these examples, two versions of
the word ‘fly’ are also observed, /ʊbər/ & /ʊbrə/, although the difference
is phonological in context. Many intransitive verbs in Sarazi are available.
Simple Sentence in Saraziː [Transitive]
7(d). Jodhpur versionː /tsəɽolɪ tsuːɳ kʰɑ̃ː tʃʰɪ/
Sparrow.F grain eat Aux.Prst.SG.F
‘Sparrow eats grain.’
7(e). Ganika versionː /tsəɽolɪ
tsuːɳ kʰɑ̃ː nɪ/
Sparrow.F grain
eat Aux.Prst.SG.F
‘Sparrow
eats grain.’
7(f). Korara versionː /tsəɽolɪ tsuːɳ kʰɑ̃ː hɪ/
Sparrow.F grain eat Aux.Prst.SG.F
‘Sparrow
eats grain.’
In the examples (d), (e), & (f), /tsuːɳ/
‘grain’ is the object of the Sarazi transitive verb /kʰɑ̃ː/ ‘eat’. Now, the
structure of the intransitive & transitive simple sentence in Sarazi
exhibits the order of words as the SV-(Aux) & SOV-(Aux).
Compound Sentence in Saraziː
7(ɡ). /əʊ̃ ɡəɖɪ-jɑ bəlɡe pərze so nɑ̃ːj
ɑːj/
I.1.SG bus-to wait.PST but that not come
‘I waited for the bus
but it didn’t come.’
7(h). /əmmɑ kəne bɑːdʒɪ bʊdʰʊ̃j ɡeːj/
mother.SG and father.SG
age.PST go.PST
‘Mother and father are
aged now.’
7(i). /əmmɑ tə bɑːdʒɪ
bʊdʰʊ̃j ɡeːj/
mother.SG and
father.SG age.PST go.PST
‘Mother and father are
aged now.’
7(j). /jə-tə meɳɑːl bɪʃə
nə-tə muːsjeːl bɪʃə/
either at my home sit/stay or at
aunt’s home sit/stay
‘Either (you should)
stay at my home, or at my aunt’s.’
7(k). /əʊ̃ nə ɡʰər-ɑːl bɪʃə te
nə əʊ̃ tʊsɑ̃ːɳ bɪʃə/
I.1.SG not home-at sit and
not I.1.SG at your home sit
‘I would neither sit at
my home nor at yours.’
In example (ɡ), /pərze/ is the coordinating conjunction ‘but’.
Another conjunction is /kəne/ meaning ‘and’ (example ‘7h’). Interestingly, it
is important to mention that Sarazi admits three coordinating conjunctionsː /kəne/,
/tə/, & /te/; these
are equivalent to the English coordinating conjunction ‘and’, (see examples,
‘h, i, & k’). Furthermore, when the prefixes /jə-/ & /nə-/ are affixed
to the Sarazi coordinating conjunction /tə/ ‘and’, it results into /jə-tə/
‘either’ & /nə-tə/ ‘or’, which are employed when two clauses are conjoined.
Succinctly, it an example of the correlative conjunction pair ‘either-or’. Also, an example of the negative correlative
conjunction ‘neither-nor’ in Sarazi is presented at (7k). In this example, the
word /nə/ ‘not’ occurs in both the independent clauses, which are conjoined by
the coordinating conjunction /te/ ‘and’. Unlike English, Sarazi exhibits three
coordinating conjunctions /kəne/, /tə/, & /te/-all mean ‘and’. However, all of them are context dependent.
Sentence Negation in Sarazi
Sentence
negation in the Sarazi grammar undertakes the lexical items, /nə/, /mə̃/, and
/nɑ̃ːj/-all mean ‘not’. The following examples of negation are found in the
Sarazi sentences.
7(l). /so nə kʰɑː/
He/She.3.SG not
eat.OBL
‘He/She won’t eat.’
7(m). /so nɑ̃ːj ɑːv/
He.3.SG not
come.M
‘He did not come.’
7(n). /tʊ mə̃ ɡə/
You.SG not
go
‘(You) do not go.’
In example (7l), /so/ is either ‘he’ or
‘she’. /nə/ is the word that negates the sentence. In sentence 7(m), /nɑ̃ːj/ is
the word that marks the negation. And, in sentence 7(n), /mə̃/ is the negative
word. In conclusion, the word /mə̃/ is employed in the imperative context.
In the sentences types section,
intransitive, transitive, simple, and compound sentences of Sarazi are
discussed. In addition, the complex sentences of Sarazi are also mentioned.
However, case marking in the Sarazi grammars is an important topic of
discussion. It cannot be avoided.
Grammatical Cases in Sarazi
Blake
(2004) defines Case as “a system of establishing the relationship of an
argument (NP) to its verb at the level of a clause or to any adposition”. This
relationship is established with the help of case markers. Sarazi exhibits the
following cases and their markers:
In nominative caseː ‘ɸ’ this symbol is used
to represent that NP remains unmarked.
Example 1ː /rɑːdʒʊ
roʈɪ kʰɑ̃ː tʃʰo/
Raju.M food eat AUX.PRST.SG.M
‘Raju
eats food.’
Ergative
case in Sarazi primarily exhibits the markers such as, /-ɪ/, /-ẽj/, and /-jə/.
These are found in the Jodhpur & adjoining villages of the Saraz
region. However, in Bhagwah & Ganika region of Saraz, /-e/ & /-ɑ/ are
the main ergative markers. Consider the examples for ergative case marking in
Sarazi asː
Example 2ː /bɑːdʒɪ-ẽj
roʈɪ kʰɑːj/
Father-ERG food eat.PST
‘Father
ate food.’
Example 3ː /mɑːlɪ-jə roʈɪ kʰɑːj/
Mother-ERG food eat.PST
‘Mother
ate food.’
Example 4ː /rɑm-ɪ
tsõʈo kəʈo/
Ram-ERG apple cut.PST
‘Ram
cut an apple.’
Example 5ː /rɑm-e tsõʈo kəʈo/
Ram-ERG
apple cut.PST
‘Ram
cut an apple.’
Example 6ː /kʊj-ɑ
kəm kero/
Girl-ERG work do.PST
‘Girl
did the work.’
Sarazi grammars admit the following case
markers of the accusative caseː /-wo/, /-ɑ/, /-en/, and
/-ɪn/, and /-jɑː/. These are used in the
examples asː
Example 7ː /mɪ̃
ʃʊɳɑː-wo ʈɪkɑːj-emɪ/
I.1.SG.OBJ Dog-ACC hit-M
‘I
hit the Dog.’
Example 8ː /zənɑn-ɑ mɑːr
bəzɪ-jɑ/
Lady-ACC beating hit.F
‘A
lady is beaten up.’
Example 9ː /mɑ̃ːtʃʰe-en/ (or) /mɑ̃ːɳʊ-en mɑːr bəzɪ-en/
Man.PL-ACC Man.PL-ACC beating hit.PL
‘Men
are beaten up.’
Example 10ː /kʊlwɑ̃ːʃ-ɪn
mɑːr bəzɪ-jen-en/
Woman.PL-ACC
beating hit.PL.ACC
‘Women
were beaten up.’
Example 11ː /rẽʈi-jɑː mɑːr bəzɪ-jɑ/
Girl-ACC
beating hit.F
‘Girl
is beaten up.’
Vocative Case markers in Sarazi are /oː/,
/veː/, /oj/, and /wɑː/. These are used to attract the listener’s attention.
Possessive case markers in Sarazi are /-tɪ/, /-to/, /-o/, /-ɪ/, /-e/, and
/-jo/. Dixon (p.230) argues that a medium sized case system is a basic feature
of a language, and a larger one with 10-12 cases is a luxury of a language
under documentation. In conclusion, Sarazi grammars exhibit a comprehensive case
system. This section on syntax of Sarazi concludes here.
8. Saraz &
Sarazi: Socio-cultural perspectives
This section on socio-cultural perspectives of
Saraz & Sarazi informs the possibility of the grammar of oral traditions
such as folktales, myths, poems, proverbs, folkdance, lullaby (cradle songs),
and the possible jokes. In brief, the chances of analyzing the oral
discourse of Sarazi with reference to its folklore are multifold. All the
aforesaid folkloristic domains of Sarazi haven’t been explored till date and
invite immediate attention of the folklorists in particular and linguists in
general. To generate more interest in conducting research on Sarazi, it is
necessary to discuss few proverbs and some popular dialogues in Sarazi. These
follow asː
8.1 Sarazi Proverbs
Sarazi proverb 1:
/duːr-e te ɖʰoːl sʊwɑ̃ːɖə
sʊwɑːnɑ bʰõ-tʃʰɑ/
Far-off of.PL drums (beating) folk-song good happen-AUX
‘Drum beating at distant place mesmerizes the listeners’.
Proverb 1 of Sarazi directly conveys the
denotative meaning. However, its connotative meaning is hidden, but
communicated by the native speakers as, it is easier to get mesmerized through
the beating of drums at someone’s wedding occasion. However, it is unbearable
or difficult to cope up with the same situation of drum beating at one’s own
residence.
Sarazi proverb 2ː
/muʃo nə bəlɑːj mʊʃodrɪ tʃʰədʒ
te tʃʰɑːnən sɑːtʰɪ/
mouse not cat burrow winnow and flour sifter with
‘Mouse burrows cannot accommodate anything else.’
Literal meaning (denotation) of the proverb 2
follows as, ‘A mouse lives in a burrow. Neither a cat nor anything else can get
accommodated in the burrows’. However, its connotation conveys that we should
avoid accommodating or accumulating the things which are not required in our
lives.
Sarazi proverb 3ː
/ziːl-en drɑːt tə
pətr-en pɑ̃ːɳɪ/
Root.PL.ACC Sickle and Leaf.PL.ACC
Water
‘Roots are cut and
shoots are watered.’
Proverb 3 of Sarazi connotes that the wrongdoers ruin someone’s career
covertly and appreciate that person overtly. Briefly, it means, a treacherous
mind deceives silently.
Sarazi proverb 4ː
/lʊhɑːrɑ eɳ kɑːnɑ kɑː dʒɒj
kẽːtsɪ nə
əpʊ dʒɒj/
Blacksmith.VOC these arrow.PL
whom for someone not self for
‘Blacksmith’s arrows
will serve to none, but to himself only.’
Proverb 4 of Sarazi informs that a person creates troubles for none but
himself only. This also means that the trouble we are creating for others will
make us suffer too.
In conclusion,
proverbs in Sarazi are aphoristic in content, and apt in making advice (by
elderly speakers of Sarazi) to the younger native speakers. Proverbs (1-4) of
Sarazi are served as a sample here. There is a wider scope for the study of the
Sarazi proverbs separately. Stating briefly, the Sarazi proverbs related to
agriculture, schooling (teaching-learning), domestic chores, house-hold life,
defence, medicine et cetera can documented with the folkloric
foregrounding.
8.2 Sarazi dialoguesː
The dialogues of
Sarazi presented in the current paper are pertaining to the folk dance
popularly called as Kod /koɖ/. It is also known as /ɖʰəkʊ/. These dialogues
have linguistic significance within the vicinity of Saraz. Only a few dialogues are mentioned here.
Dialogue 1ː
/bʰəlo tʊseːv nɑːts-noː hoː
ho/
Good your dance-to VOC AUX.OBL
‘Your dancing is
wonderful and mesmerizing one.’
Dialogue 2ː
/zʰɪko zʰɪko tɑːl hoː
ho/
Loose loose rhythm VOC AUX.OBL
‘(Dancing) rhythm is
quite loose.’
Dialogue 3ː
/əseːj dʒɑːtər nəts-ne te
kʰɑːtər hoː ho
Our festival dance.OBL of meant VOC AUX.OBL
‘Our festival is
meant for dancing (rejoicing).’
All the Sarazi dialogues (1-3) presented in
this paper are related to the folkdance of the Saraz region. This traditional
dance is popularly known as either /ɖʰəkʊ/ or /kɒɖ/. The linguistic function of
these dialogues is to proselytize, mesmerize, and relieve the anxiety (through
dance & dialogue).
9. Poetry in Saraziː a critical reflection
The region of Saraz hadn’t experienced any poetry in Sarazi since
antiquity. In the later part of the twentieth century, especially after 1995
and onwards, one of the prominent singers namely Bashir Sarazi started
his compositions in Sarazi. He composed both the songs and poems in Sarazi. His
stint for promotion of Sarazi motivated the contemporary generation of poets
and singers. This happened successfully beyond imagination, and nowadays, there
are many speakers of Sarazi, who are the present day poets. They have written
(unpublished till today) many Sarazi poems. Also, their poems in Sarazi are
found uploaded on social media sites namely facebook and instagram.
A list of Sarazi poets follows asː
Table 4ː Sarazi poets & their status
S.No. |
Sarazi Poet |
Residence |
Language |
Status |
1. |
Sh. Jagdish Raj |
Jatheli (Prem Nagar) |
Sarazi |
Active |
2. |
Sh. Nehri Sadiq |
Dehrote (Prem Nagar) |
Sarazi |
Active |
3. |
Sh. Ravinder Rukwal |
Itwass (Jodhpur) |
Sarazi & Hindi |
Active |
4. |
Sh. Sunil Parihar |
Kilwana (Jodhpur) |
Sarazi |
Active |
5. |
Dr. Ravi Parihar3 |
Kilwana (Jodhpur) |
Sarazi & English |
Active |
6. |
Sh. Som Raj |
Jatheli (Prem Nagar) |
Sarazi |
Active |
The list of Sarazi poets presented in table 4
is not the final one. There are many other village to village poets, writers,
and singers who are yet to be contacted. This could be a matter of separate
research. The purpose of highlighting the poets is to inform the readers,
researchers, and the linguistic world about the emergence of the Sarazi
language in its creative form.
10. Lullabies in Saraziː a brief description
There are many lullabies in Sarazi. However, a few prominent ones follow
asː
Lullaby 1ː /ɡuːrɪ bətʃ-e ɡuːri/ (when a child weeps bitterly)
Lullaby 2ː /oː nɪnɪ bətʃ-e/
(when a child weeps and needs rest)
Lullabies in Sarazi are used when an infant
(1-2 years aged) either weeps or wants to sleep. The child is made calm through
the lullabies, especially in the Saraz region.
11. Socio-linguistic views on Sarazi
The socio-linguistic section on Sarazi
discusses the topics such as migration, shift, retention, cultural
transmission, and attrition. Author of the present paper admits that Sarazi is
an endangered language. To understand its endangerment, it is required to
discuss all the aforesaid topics.
11.1 Sarazi speakersː Migration
The people of Saraz are known as Sarazi, as
their mother tongue is Sarazi. It simply means the term Sarazi encodes the
sense of both the speakers and their language. In context to migration, some
Sarazi speaking households migrated during 1990s when the terrorism had spread
exhaustively in the then state of Jammu & Kashmir. Evacuation and mass
departure took place and the migrated Sarazi settled in the outer reaches of
Udhampur, Katra, and Jammu. This migration affected the Sarazi speech community
adversely. The speakers of Sarazi after migrating from Saraz settled in Katra
at Panthal village. Also, some other Sarazi speakers emigrated to Jib, Garhi,
Batote, and many other locations of Udhampur and Ramban district. Their
emigration is identified as unnatural, out of compulsion, and due to terrorism.
All the forcefully migrated speakers of Sarazi shifted towards speaking the
Dogri language at the newly dwelt places, Panthal and Garhi. At these places,
the Dogri speakers are the natural inhabitants, who are found in abundance.
Despite experiencing the language shift from Sarazi to Dogri, the aged speakers
of Sarazi have retained their mother tongue at the places of migration.
However, the elderly speakers do not speak Sarazi with their children as they
were born after the migration had occurred. Such children either speak Dogri or
Hindustani as their first language. Hence migration of the Sarazi speakers is a
linguistic and sociolinguistic loss to the Sarazi community.
11.2 Attrition of Saraziː a way to endangerment and extinction
Sarazi younger generation, especially school
going children hardly speak their mother tongue at homes, with their parents
and relatives. However, they only understand when Sarazi is spoken to them.
Their communication capacity in Sarazi is lost. The contemporary children of
Saraz have shifted their interest towards English and Hindi. Taking into
account the current scenario, it is undoubtedly the attrition of Sarazi that
has begun. This is in fact an endangerment and a way to the extinction of
Sarazi. It invites the reversal of this process; a linguist can do it effectively.
Furthermore, transmission of the Sarazi culture would come to standstill as the
younger generation doesn’t speak Sarazi. In general, it is advocated that a
culture has inseparably its language with it. Also, it is a well known fact
that when a language is lost, its culture also vanishes.
Conclusion:
Sarazi is an Indo-Aryan language of the
Western Pahari subgroup. This language is extensively spoken in the villages of
district Ramban and Doda. However, Sarazi is confined to Kuntwara, a revenue
village of district Kishtwar. Kuntwara also speaks Sarazi. Approximately, 90%
of the Sarazi speakers are found in the rural areas (Ali, 2022). This research
highlights that Sarazi is still a vernacular language. It is orally used in the
speech community. In context to descriptive grammars of a language, it is important
to refer to the definition as cited in the following paragraph.
Osisanwo (1999:1) defines grammar… as the body of descriptive statements with regard
to the morphological and syntactic structures of a specific language.
Contextualizing this, the present study discusses the morpho-syntactic features
of the Sarazi grammars. It is notable that the Sarazi community
has started making efforts towards promoting and preserving their mother
tongue. It is being done through recording the videos and uploading them on the
social media4
platforms. As far as the documentation of Sarazi is concerned, the limited
sources are extant or have been found till date. Only few researchers worked on
Sarazi: Grierson, Parihar, and others as already discussed in the main text of
this paper. In addition to this, some other casual writers of the Sarazi wrote
on it employing the scripts, Devanagri and Perso-Arabic. Almost
all the highly qualified speakers of Sarazi ask a question related to the
script of Sarazi. They ask, “Does Sarazi have it its own script?” A
couple of questions on Sarazi are also encountered asː ‘Is Sarazi a language?
If yes, how is it so?’ Furthermore, they advocate that Sarazi is a dialect as
it does not have its own script. The counter argue, researcher responds as, “Is
it necessary to have a script for every language in the world? To substantiate
the argument, it is necessary to attest the total number of languages spoken globally. According to the World Atlas of Languages’ methodology,
there are 8324 languages either spoken or signed. Out of 8324, around 7000
languages are still spoken. To defend the question of script, it is
asserted that all the languages of the world do not have their own script. Some
languages are oral in nature. Similarly, Sarazi is also an oral language.
However, its script can be possibly developed, which is absolutely a separate
matter and does not correspond to the scope of this paper. Writing system of a
language is purely an orthographic concern. Documenting a language whose script
is unavailable depends on the English language, which acts as a metalanguage.
Language documentation in descriptive
tradition of linguistics really helps in creating the linguistic identity of
the Speakers. In conclusion, Sarazi is a spoken by its native speakers, and its
documentation establishes their linguistic identity. It is a need of the hour
to collect the data of Sarazi (all accents), analyze it, and publish a
comparative report of all the varieties of Sarazi. A lot of research and
documentation on Sarazi needs to done. It is yet to happen. Now, it is also
important to look at the other points of conclusion.
When the sentences of Pogali & Jodhpuri
(accents of Sarazi) are considered, it is found that the third person singular
auxiliaries /tʃʰo/ and /tʃʰɪ/ (masculine and feminine) for the present tense are identical in both the
accents. However, the third person auxiliaries in the present
tense are distinctː /tʃʰe/ (in Jodhpur area of Doda) and /tʃʰɑː/ (in Pogal
region of Ramban). Sarazi version in Jodhpur does not take the auxiliary /tʃɑː/.
The plural subjects (masculine and feminine) take the auxiliaries /tʃʰe/ &
/tʃʰɪ-jo/. This feature of similarity and distinction is realized through the
examples presented asː
Pogali Saraziː
12 (1). /nɪko roʈɪ kʰɑːɭ tʃʰo/
Boy.SG food eat AUX.PRST.3.SG
‘Boy eats food.’
12 (2). /kʊɽɪ roʈɪ kʰɑːɭ tʃʰɪ/
Girl food eat AUX.PRST.3.SG.F
‘Girl eats food.’
12 (3). /nɪkɑ roʈɪ kʰɑːɭ tʃʰɑː/
Boy.PL food eat AUX.PRST.3.SG
‘Boys eat food.’
12 (4). /kʊɽɪ-jɑ roʈɪ kʰɑːɭ tʃʰɑː/
Girl-PL food eat AUX.PRST.3.SG.F
‘Girl eats food.’
Jodhpuri Sarazi:
12 (1a). /məʈʰo roʈɪ kʰɑ̃ː tʃʰo/
Boy.SG food eat AUX.PRST.3.SG
‘Boy eats food.’
12 (1b). /rẽʈɪ roʈɪ kʰɑ̃ː tʃʰɪ/
Girl food eat AUX.PRST.3.SG.F
‘Girl eats food.’
12 (3a). /məʈʰ-e roʈɪ kʰɑ̃ː tʃʰe/
Boy.PL food eat AUX.PRST.3.SG.M
‘Boys eat food.’
12 (4a). /rẽʈɪ-jo roʈɪ kʰɑ̃ː tʃʰɪ-jo/
Girl.PL food eat AUX.PRST.3.PL.F
‘Girls eat food.’
In conclusion, the
distinct auxiliaries are found within the Pogali accent of Sarazi, especially
for the third person singular masculine & feminine; see the examples, 12
(1) & 12 (2). However, in examples 12 (3) & 12(4) take the same
auxiliaries for plural masculine and feminine subjects. It is also interesting
to note that Jodhpur version of Sarazi takes separate auxiliaries for the
plural subject of masculine and feminine type. See the examples, 12 (3a) &
12 (4a). These examples exhibit the contract and correspond with the examples
12 (3) & 12 (4) of the Pogali version. In general, the order of
constituents in a transitive sentence of Sarazi is SOV type, which is similar
to the other regional languages such as, Bhadarwahi, Saroori, Bhalesi, and the
Hindi language as well.
In
morphological context, Sarazi is a rich language. It has multiple lexical items
for a single word (see morphological section). The multiple lexical items
representing a single notion are found in the noun and verb categories of the
Sarazi grammar. In brief, morphology of the Sarazi grammars exhibit the
affixation process (prefixes & suffixes). However, the infixes are hardly
found in Sarazi.
Phonology of Sarazi
admits the following syllabic patterns as the common oneː VC, VCV, CV &
CVC. Also, the positioning of the sounds at WI, WM, and WF positions is
discussed successfully. In conclusion, the study of sound segments of Sarazi is
unique, and it generates more interest in comparative phonology of its various
speech varieties (Jodhpuri, Bhagwali, Kashtwali, Korarwali, Pogali, & many
others).
Additionally, other domains of Sarazi are
also discussed in this paper. Its attrition, endangerment, poetic domain,
migration of the speakers etc are highlighted. It is also important to present
the implicational prospect of Sarazi, which follows asː
Implications for
Saraziː
In the final phase of
conclusion, it is important to mention some implications with regard to the
Sarazi language. At the moment, Sarazi is an endangered language of the Saraz
region in district Doda, Ramban, and Kishtwar (in restricted villages only).
Its documentation, promotion, and preservation are the prime concerns.
Following are the possible steps which can strengthen the documentation,
promotion, and preservation of Saraziː
1. Setting up of a
literary society of Saraz is required. This society would help in documenting
the Sarazi language and promoting its culture.
2. Organizing the
seminars, conferences, and workshops will also help in promoting and preserving
the Sarazi language, along with its tangible cultural heritage.
3. Presenting the
proposal before the Government of India for the inclusion of Sarazi in the waiting
list of the languages to be considered for the final stage of scheduled
languages of India. Since the Sarazi language is a non-scheduled one.
4. Till date, Sarazi
has not been adopted as a pedagogical medium at the primary level of teachings
in the school education of the Saraz region. Hence Sarazi serves no pedagogic
purpose. Therefore, Sarazi should be the medium of instruction at school level.
The National Education Policy (2020) of India also passed the directions with
regard to the use of the regional languages in India’s education system by
encouraging the pedagogy of the mother tongues. Hence Sarazi is also a mother
tongue of the Saraz region and must be taught in the schools.
5. Academy of the
Art, Culture, and Languages would hopefully establish a separate unit for the
promotion and preservation of Sarazi at the district level.
In conclusion, the
implicational points invite the immediate attention of the each Sarazi speaker,
so that the Sarazi language would find its proper promotion, and
representation.
Acknowledgementsː
Acknowledgements are due to the members of
the Sarazi speech community. Following members helped in the process of
gathering data, analyzing it, and approving it as the valid oneː Sh. Raj Dev
(Ramban); Sh. Prabhat Singh Bhutyal (Ramban); Sh. Nakul Kumar (Bhalwana,
Thathri); Sh. Swami Raj Parihar (Jodhpur, Doda); and Sh. Nehri Sadiq (Dehrote,
Prem Nagar). Sh. Som Raj Sharma, resident of Jatheli, Prem Nagar (Doda) also
helped in realizing the poetry of Sarazi. All the aforementioned speakers of
Sarazi helped a lot. I am sincerely grateful to them.
Notes
1. William Samarin’s Field Linguistics: A
Guide to Linguistic Fieldwork, (1967); Abbi’s a manual of linguistic
fieldwork and structure of Indian languages, (2001); and Terry Crowley’s Field
Linguistics: a Beginner’s Guide (2007).
2. The arm chair approach guides a researcher to
collect the texts, manuscripts, and other relevant material (published and
unpublished) required for reading, analyzing, and deciding to collect the data
in its crude form. This approach proved fruitful in the process of executing
the present study. Relying only on this comfy chair method is a least
reliable practice in research. However, in the present linguistic
investigation, this approach guided the author well and gave a further push
towards adopting the approach known as the dirty feet. A researcher is
bound to visit the field site and collect the required data.
3. Dr. Ravi Parihar is the author of A
Grammar of Sarazi, published by Lincom Europa, Munich, in 2019.
4. The social media platforms (facebook &
WhatsApp) where the Sarazi poets, artists, singers, writers, and media persons
have been uploading the video and audio content related to the promotion of
Sarazi and its culture.
References
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APPENDICES
Appendix-1:
Appendix-2: