Bezbaruah’s
Heroines and the Women of Assam: Folktales of Silence, Resistance, and Survival
Punnya
Kalliyat,
Ph.D. Research Scholar,
Department of English,
St. Joseph’s College (Autonomous),
Devagiri, Kozhikode,
Kerala, India.
Abstract:
Numerous components of folklore are intricately connected with women in
Assamese society. Therefore, in the academic realm of Assamese folklore, a
gender perspective invariably occupies an integral position. This research
paper analyses the status of marginalised women in the well-known collection of
folktales, Burhi Aair Sadhu, written
by the famous Assamese author Lakshminath Bezbaruah. The select folktales in
Bezbaruah's Burhi Aair Sadhu feature
women as protagonists. Other folktales reference female characters and attempt
to analyse various aspects of womanhood. These folktales attempt to examine how
women fit into Assamese society, their identities, their relationships with
other women, their position within the class system, and how different female traits
such as honesty, tolerance, and sacrifice are perceived in a patriarchal
society. The significance of this study lies in its potential to illuminate the
position and social standing of women during the oral folklore period. Based on
these folktales, an attempt will be made to examine the portrayal of women from
the perspective of contemporary society and times.
Keywords: Assamese folktales, margin, women,
female character, gender, patriarchy
Introduction
Lakshminath Bezbaruah, a distinguished Assamese author,
is renowned for his compendium of folk narratives titled Burhi Aair Sadhu, translated as Grandma's Tales (Bezbaruah, 1911),
a prominent body of children's literature in Assam. Bezbaruah curated these
tales with the dual purpose of both entertaining and instructing the young
readership. In his scrutiny of the term Sadhu-Katha,
denoting a moral narrative, Bezbaruah dissects the moral dimensions inherent in
Assamese folk tales.Burhi Aair Sadhu
comprises a collection of 30 folktales, with a notable prevalence of widely
read and popular narratives such as Tejimola,
Bandar Aur Xial (The Monkey and the
Fox), Xorobjan, Kukurikona (The Dog), and Silonir
Jiyekor Sadhu (The Tale of the Kite's Daughter). The titular designation, Burhi Aair Sadhu, featuring a female
narrator, alludes to a tradition historically endorsed and fostered by women.
This accentuation underscores women's roles as custodians of historical
narratives and cultural recollection, while male reformers concurrently
contributed to the perpetuation of patriarchal and hierarchical frameworks,
both materially and spiritually. Significantly, a substantial number of
folktales within Bezbaruah's opus feature female protagonists, exemplified in
narratives such as Tejimola, Mekurir
Jiyekor Sadhu (The Tale of Cat’s Daughter), Silonir Jiyekor Sadhu (The Tale of the Kite's Daughter), and Tula are Teja. The thematic underpinning of these narratives
revolves around ‘marginalised women,’ denoting individuals situated beyond
societal confines and relegated to insignificance. This condition restricts
their available choices and means of sustenance. The phenomenon of
marginalisation, as depicted in these tales, is elucidated as multidimensional,
multicausal, and rooted in historical contexts. The preeminence of female
characters and their endeavours resonates across various other folktales within
the collection, portraying a multifaceted exploration of the marginalised
female experience. Bezbaruah's narratives serve as a lens through which the
complexities of marginalisation are unveiled, prompting contemplation on
societal norms and their implications for the individuals situated at the
peripheries of established structures.
The Cat’s Daughter: A Reflection on Gender Disparities
Mekurir Jiyekar
Sadhu (The Tale of the Cat’s Daughter), one of the
folktales from Burhi Aair Sadhu,
discusses the social distinctions between men and women. In The Second Sex, Simone De Beauvoir
critically examined the deterministic essentialism that ascribes gender to
biological sex (45). Her famous assertion, ‘one is not born a woman, but
becomes one,’ underscores the pivotal role of environmental and social factors
in the construction of identity. Men and women should be recognised simply as
human beings, without creating distinctions or imposing artificial barriers in
social interactions. By acknowledging them as equals, we can reduce the
differences between genders, even if we cannot eliminate them. This folklore
gives an insight into how a male-dominated society perceives women merely as
objects of sexual desire, but not as individuals having their own identity. The
female protagonist of this tale is the younger daughter of a cat, and the story
chronicles this young girl's odyssey through a patriarchal landscape.
Soon after, when the merchant came for the business, he
saw the lonely girl sitting on the banks of the river and crying and took her
in a boat and left. Upon reaching the house, he made her his youngest wife,
along with his other two wives. (Sharma)
These lines from the tale imply that the merchant picked
up the youngest daughter of the cat, the lonely charming girl who was sobbing
on the riverbank and made her his third wife. This happened when she was crying
on the banks of the river after the abduction of her sister. Merchant
considered the girl as an object of desire, and her consent was of no
significance to him. Women’s sexual objectification is manifested through the
objectifying male gaze, which involves the visual scrutiny of women's bodies or
their sexual body parts (Kaschak 71). It is noteworthy that the Merchant never
enquired about the cat's younger daughter's distress or attempted to rescue the
elder daughter, whom the Merman had kidnapped. Here, there is a clear
indication of the identity and nature of men. After making her his third wife,
he never fulfilled his responsibilities towards his wife. He was never present
in the two instances of his new wife’s delivery. It was a very crucial time for
the cat’s daughter to be waived by her husband. This suggests that the merchant
was only attracted to the tender age of the girl and wanted to fulfil his
sexual needs and pleasure. Sexual objectification views the human body solely
as an instrument for sexual gratification. Those who are objectified are
evaluated and defined by their sexual attributes or functions, with their
personal identity and subjectivity being disregarded (Bartky 90).
The hatred of the two previous wives for the youngest of
them was sparked by the merchant's love for his youngest wife. This indicates
the social endorsement of polygamy. It was accepted as a traditional practice
by some women, but it does not guarantee happiness in all such marriages.
Gerdemann's research revealed that unequal treatment of wives by their husbands
in polygamous families results in different forms of violence. As the husband
was not present during the delivery period, both convinced the youngest wife
that she had given birth to a wooden log and a pumpkin. The truth is that she
gave birth to two healthy sons, and the wives floated them in the river. The
merchant had no concerns about the events and made no effort to investigate
them further. When he learnt about the situation, he did not hesitate to assert
his dominance over his wife. The lines, “Merchant
thinking these things of the younger sister-in-law to be true, decided that she
was ugly and chased her out of his house and set up a house in the toilet”
(Sharma) illustrate how, despite not being responsible for the cruel actions of
the other two wives, the youngest daughter of the cat faced the severe
punishment imposed by the man. Eventually, the merchant learned that his two
previous wives had plotted to have his youngest wife killed. After learning the
truth, the merchant cut off the noses and ears of his two disdainful wives and
chased them out of his home without attempting to delve into the underlying
causes of the entire scenario. This indicates the gender disparities present at
the time as well as the social picture of dominant men. The folktale thus
clearly indicates that the younger daughter of the cat, the protagonist, and
the other two female characters of women, did not have a voice in patriarchal
society. In this tale, the wounding and disfiguring of women is not viewed as
problematic. Instead, it is depicted as a form of punishment for wives who
resist obeying their husbands. Acts such as cutting off noses and ears and
expelling women from their homes illustrate severe physical discrimination
against women in society. These women are subjected to physical torture, brutal
murder, and mutilation, with their bodies becoming the primary site for such
violence.
From Innocence to Subjugation: Journeyof the Kite’s
Daughter
Another tale from the collection that indicates polygamy
and male supremacy is Silonir Jiyekor
Sadhu (The Tale of the Kite’s Daughter). This tale speaks of a wealthy
potter in a village. He worried about the fact that his wife only gave birth to
daughters, which was a persistent source of concern for him. Son preference is
an age-old concern that persists even today. The prevalent preference for sons
in many societies may stem from the perception of sons as primary earners for
the family, providing security in their old age, and maintaining close family
ties. Contributing factors include cultural restrictions on female
participation in the workforce and deeply ingrained cultural misconceptions
about women. When his wife became pregnant again, the potter spoke to her and
said: “If you get a daughter this
time too, I will sell you to the Nagas” (Sharma). A woman who lives each day of
her life in dread of her husband and uncertainty is the social representation
of a woman in that society. She is denied the chance to enjoy motherhood, and
the thought of giving birth to another daughter makes her tremble in fear of
her husband. Later, she gave birth to a girl child and out of fear, she threw
the child into the river in an earthen pot, which was then taken by a kite. The
child grew up with her kite mother to be a beautiful woman. Mothers often feel
concerned about their grown-up daughters in society due to the potential
dangers and the fact that women are frequently regarded with objectifying
desire. This situation was analogous to Kite's mother as well. The writer
anthropomorphised the kite, attributing human-like emotions to it. The kite
expressed feelings similar to those of a human mother when it stated:
Aai, you have grown up now, I always leave you alone and
go far away, seeing that I am very afraid that someone will do something to
you. (Sharma)
It was then that a merchant became captivated by the
beauty of the kite's daughter and expressed his wish to marry her to the kite.
It has long been a social norm that young girls should not be housed for a
prolonged period. He tried to convince the kite mother by saying:
I have a lot of
wealth, I am a wonderful person. But I now have seven wives. If you marry your
daughter to me without any objection, then I will keep her happy and will never
hurt her. (Sharma)
She is consequently wedded off by her kite mother to the
merchant who has seven other wives as he tries to win her and the kite mother
over by boasting about his possessions and promising to keep the kite daughter
happy forever. But it was just like a common trait of men to obtain the things
they desire. This shows how women had no choice in marriage, as they were often
viewed as individuals who had to spend their entire lives under the influence
and control of the provider, the man. The prevailing view is that women are
better suited for domestic roles, leading to their denial of certain rights
based on this belief. On the contrary, men are granted superior status
regardless of their experience, age, or intelligence and are considered the
unquestioned heads of the family (Agujiobi 69). Women were also depicted as
individuals with a deep longing for their husband's love and recognition. We
see how the other wives of the merchant burn with resentment because they
believe that their husbands will no longer love them. Polygamy can thus result
in jealousy, competition, conflicts over the unequal distribution of household
resources, and the onset of mental health issues among the women involved in
these relationships (Moosa et al. 14). The preference of the husband for a
particular wife leads to jealousy and hatred for the most loved wife. Thus, a
sense of animosity was evoked among the seven existing wives towards the
newlywed. They made considerable efforts to provoke their husband’s disfavour
against her. When their malicious schemes failed due to the intervention of the
kite mother, they resorted to killing the kite mother and burying it. This was
the result of jealousy seeded by the husband inside all seven wives during Bihu
that led to the murder of the kite mother. At the end of the folktale, the
other wives try to sell the newlywed to a fisherman. The line: “They described the beauty of this girl
to the fisherman in such a way that the fisherman was greedy and agreed to take
her away” (Sharma) illustrates how women were objectified in the past, to the
extent that they could be traded as if they were mere commodities. This
reflects the devaluation of women to possessions rather than recognising their
individuality and agency. When the husband learns of this deceit, the seven
wives had to go through a harsh trial and six of them were buried alive by the
husband.
Even if those six wives were projected as evil in
society, the actions of the merchant are perceived as harsh and unjustifiable.
As a patriarchal figure, he initially promised to ensure the happiness of his
wives, including the kite’s daughter. However, he subsequently married one
woman after another, leading to conflicts among the wives and highlighting the
exploitation of women under patriarchy. The folktale portrays these wives
negatively, yet they are human beings who do not deserve such brutal treatment.
On the contrary, the kite's daughter, depicted as innocent, lacks a voice as a
protagonist. This reflects the larger literary tendency to marginalise women’s
voices. Despite her role, she fails to oppose the inhumane act of burying the
women alive, reinforcing the societal portrayal of women as existing solely to
please their husbands and lacking agency. This narrative illustrates that
historically and contemporaneously, women's roles and treatment remain
constrained by a male-dominated society, where their voices are suppressed and
their existence undervalued (Talukdar and Gogoi 5670)
Resilience and Transformation: The Story of Tejimola
The widely recognised folktale in Burhi Aair Sadhu is Tejimola,
in which the protagonist Tejimola is killed by her evil stepmother out of
jealousy while her father is away on business as a travelling merchant. The
tale of Tejimola is one of those that has created cult status among the
Assamese community. Tejimola's story represents the victory of the human spirit
and a strong will refusing to submit to the atrocities of a stepmother or
accept defeat. It can be considered a survival story. The narrative of Tejimola
has garnered diverse interpretations in contemporary discussions. Satola and
Das (572), in their research work, positioned Tejimola on the societal
periphery, engaging in a comparative analysis with Cinderella narratives. This
comparative examination delves into the socioeconomic determinants contributing
to the marginalisation of characters like Tejimola within a specific societal
context. Tejimola, the main character, is portrayed both politically and
figuratively as a helpless young girl who lacks an identity, is frightened, and
has no voice. Although she is the main protagonist in her story, she is not
perceived to have a strong personality. When viewed from a different
perspective, Tejimola's stepmother appears to have a more powerful character
than Tejimola because she is a woman who takes action and is very similar to a
contemporary woman who acts for her existence, her happiness, and her rights.
In folktales, stepmothers are often depicted as cruel and heartless villains,
with female characters frequently cast in villainous roles. In this narrative,
Tejimola’s stepmother is mean and brutal, yet her motives are overlooked. Her
perceived cruelty might be a result of being childless and the experience of
marginalisation due to infertility. Additionally, her husband’s affection
towards his daughter, rather than her, exacerbates her feelings of neglect.
Thus, the stepmother’s animosity toward Tejimola can be viewed as a result of
her suffering and isolation, expected to endure her hardships silently.
These ideas are reflected in what she said:
If I leave it like that and the father comes and somehow
understands it, it will be a big issue. I will join this crisis. While marrying
her, I have to throw all the belongings of my house out with her. This is my
step-daughter. If there are no children on my forehead, what is the use of
feeding her, too? It would be useful to move the money that her father would
spend to my mother's house. Hence, I will have to put an end to it before her
father returns. (Sharma)
\
We are aware of the fact that women were always portrayed
negatively or derogatorily as innocent, silent, pure characters before the
study of feminism. Tejimola appears as pure and chaste in this context, which
is also a cultural and literal norm that was likely passed down by men in the
community or the representation of women by male writers. Tejimola gets
portrayed as being innocent because, despite being brutalised and subjected to
torture that is painful until death, she does not respond in kind. Tejimola
would be seen as the victim and her stepmother as the victimiser if we were to
evaluate these characters from the standpoint of the victim relationship.
However, this relationship is a dyadic one rather than a binary one, and the
victim-victimiser dyad is intricate. The conflict that serves in this duo is the
abuse dynamic, which results from using one's position of benefits against
another individual. All abusive relationships share traits such as hostile or
violent behaviour, persuasion, cultivating fear to exert control, or
establishing a position of power.
Tejimola appears in a variety of tree forms,
but they all always reveal her true identity, which is how she enters the
appropriate hands. It is intriguing that she always returns in a new form, and
that too in multiples, like bottle gourds and citrus, each time her stepmother
crushes her or attempts to crush her. Every time she gets buried, Tejimola
gathers her strength to adopt a new persona and sing defiantly about her
suffering. She sings:
Don't raise your hands, don't pick flowers, you sailor.
Along with the jute cloth, my stepmother pounded me,
I am Tejimola. (Sharma)
Here, Tejimola appears to be claiming her identity and
self. Contrary to the rigid identities that a patriarchal society seeks to
confine people in, her identity proves to be fluid. The character's survival
circumstances are quite attractive; however, she battled constantly for a
better, more peaceful life despite losing her mother at a young age and being
denied her stepmother's love and affection. She eventually acquired a strong
will and appeared in multiple forms of existence. Many bodily transformations
occur as she changes from a human to a bottle-gourd tree, a citrus tree, and
eventually a lotus, before returning to human form. This ability to transform,
adapt, and survive highlights Tejimola's agency as a person who thrives in
nature.
While examining the intricate layers of gender roles and
feminist perspectives in these select folktales, it becomes evident that these
narratives are not merely stories for entertainment but are significant
cultural artefacts that reflect and shape societal attitudes toward gender.
Women are portrayed in literature as being objects of a male-dominated society
and unable to live on their own. Patriarchy is not always domination of men
over women. It is the domination of older men over their families. According to
Millet, the principles of patriarchy are twofold: Men dominate females and
elders dominate the young (22). Ferguson has also characterised patriarchy as
the authority of the father (1048). Geetha states that patriarchy is the
absolute rule of the father or the eldest male member over his family (68).
Gender is a cultural category. Different cultures construct their cultural
norms for their social structure. Patriarchy is ingrained in the majority of
gender relations in society, and this power dynamic manifests itself in many
aspects of women's lives, including control over their labour, sexuality,
reproduction, property, and other economic resources, to name a few (Bhasin
12). Tales and personal narratives frequently cross over in the South Asian context
to blend fantasy and reality; what one must infer from this is how, sometimes,
through these very fictional narratives, women incorporate their tales and
represent themselves (Devi 7).
The folktales by Bezbaruah feature a wide range of female
characters. Love, sacrifice, and other qualities are on par with how women are
by nature. Folktales also highlight the unfavourable traits of women, such as
suspicion and jealousy. Mekurir Jiyekar
Sadhu (The Tale of the Cat’s Daughter) serves as a stark depiction of the
objectification and commodification of women within a patriarchal framework.
The protagonist's journey underscores the deepseated gender biases that view
women as mere objects of sexual desire rather than individuals with their own
identities and agency. The narrative illustrates the dire consequences of such
objectification, revealing how women's worth is often diminished to their
physical appearance and their ability to fulfil male desires. Moreover, the
tale highlights the harsh realities of polygamy, showcasing the jealousy,
competition, and violence that can arise within such marital arrangements. The
cat’s daughter, despite being the protagonist, has little agency, reflecting
the broader societal tendency to marginalise women’s voices and experiences.
Similarly, Silonir Jiyekor Sadhu (The Tale of the Kite’s Daughter)
portrays the pervasive issue of son preference and the resulting subjugation of
women. The potter's rejection of his wife and daughter based on gender reveals
the cultural pressures and fears that women face in patriarchal societies. The
narrative further explores the theme of polygamy and male supremacy, depicting
how women are often married off without their consent and forced into
subordinate roles. The kite’s daughter’s lack of voice and agency, despite
being central to the story, underscores the persistent marginalisation of women
in both literature and society. This story, like many others, reflects the
complex interplay between gender and folklore, where patriarchal ideologies are
simultaneously perpetuated and challenged. Tejimola stands out as a tale of
resilience and transformation. Despite the brutal actions of her stepmother,
Tejimola’s spirit and identity endure through various transformations. Her
ability to adapt and survive highlights her agency and the strength of the
human spirit in the face of adversity. The tale also presents a nuanced
perspective on the stepmother’s cruelty, suggesting that her actions may stem
from her marginalisation and suffering. This complexity challenges the
simplistic binary of victim and victimiser, offering a more layered
understanding of the dynamics of power and abuse within familial relationships.
Conclusion
The Assamese folktales examined in this study are not
merely repositories of cultural memory; they are active instruments of social
reproduction, inscribing gender roles that continue to reverberate in
contemporary Assam. These narratives, steeped in motifs of female sacrifice,
silence, and suffering, map onto the lived realities of Assamese women today,
where systemic gender inequalities remain entrenched across domestic, economic,
and institutional spheres. The resonance between folktale silences and the
silencing of women in public life, law enforcement, and healthcare access is not
coincidental; it is cultural continuity in practice. Contemporary data reveals
a deeply troubling landscape: Assam consistently records the highest rates of
violence against women in India; nearly one in three women faces domestic
abuse; female literacy and workforce participation remain alarmingly low,
particularly in rural and tea plantation communities. The prevalence of child
marriage, marital rape, and dowry related violence underscores how patriarchal
control over women’s bodies and choices persists under both traditional and
modern guises. Furthermore, state mechanisms, though constitutionally
obligated, have failed to ensure rights-based protection, leaving survivors of
violence with limited access to justice, shelter, or support. By placing these contemporary
conditions in dialogue with literary representations, this article reveals how
gendered oppression in Assam is not simply a matter of individual violation but
the product of deeply historical, cultural, and structural forces. Folktales,
in their repetition of gendered silences and moral instruction, do not merely
reflect patriarchal norms; they sustain them. Yet, feminist analysis offers the
potential to destabilise these scripts, both in literature and in life, by
rereading, resisting, and re-writing the spaces where women have been confined.
Acknowledging the interplay between cultural narratives and current material
conditions is not only an academic imperative but a political one, demanding
transformative interventions in education, policy, and representation.
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