Intersecting Inequalities: A Critical Study of Caste,
Class, and Gender in Baby Kamble’s The Prison We Broke
Chandan Ruidas,
Ph.D. Research Scholar,
Department of English Studies,
Central University of Jharkhand,
Ranchi, Jharkhand, India.
Abstract: The caste system in
India has traditionally formed not only on the basis of social relations but
also on access to economic resources. Marginalized communities, especially
Dalit women, have endured structural exclusion for generations, leading to
persistent poverty and social invisibility. Through the lens of
intersectionality and subaltern studies, this study is going to discuss how the
intersecting structure of caste, class, and gender shapes the lived realities
and everyday struggles of Dalit women in Kamble’s The Prison We Broke. It also examines how Dalit women are
burdened by tripartite oppression- marginalized by upper-caste dominance,
exploited by class-based labour systems, and subjugated within their own
communities. This study adopts a qualitative approach grounded in close textual
analysis. Understanding Dalit feminist discourse, it also underlines the
importance and significance of Kamble’s work as a compelling witness of
resilience and socio-political awareness.
Keywords: Dalit feminism, intersectionality, marginalization,
subaltern, tripartite oppression
Introduction
Intersectionality, a term first popularized by Kimberlé
Crenshaw for the black American women, provides a critical framework for
understanding how multiple layers of oppression, such as caste, class, and
gender, engage to influence individual experiences by interacting and
reinforcing one another. Instead of considering these categories separately,
intersectionality accentuates the interrelated nature of these layers and exposes
how oppressed identities are amplified and escalated. In the Indian context,
caste still remains a predominant core of inequality, but its impacts are
exacerbated when it comes into close contact with economic hardship and
patriarchal structures.
In The Prison We Broke, Baby Kamble depicts the
struggle and hardship of life within the Mahar community in Maharashtra. The
text exposes the internal hierarchies and gendered suffering rather than
documenting the harsh realities of caste-based oppression within the
marginalized communities. Being a part of the Mahar community, Kamble’s writing
emerges from her own experiences, turning her narrative rooted into lived
reality rather than observation, and gives voice to those who are historically
silenced. She was influenced by the thought of B. R. Ambedkar, whose ideas
about education, equality, and self-respect are depicted throughout her work
and also inspired many other Dalit writers to articulate resistance against
caste hierarchies. So, her narrative is both personal and political,
representing not only an individual’s anguish but also the collective suffering
and awakening of her entire community, whose struggles are shaped
simultaneously by caste discrimination, economic hardship, and patriarchal
control.
Playing the key figure in Dalit literature, Baby Kamble
depicts the lived experiences of the Mahar community, demonstrating the
intertwined structure of poverty and social hierarchy. This text also portrays
the functions of caste as a mechanism rather documenting the everyday struggles
of hunger, exploitation, and marginalization that perpetuates economic
inequality across generations. Influenced by the thought of B. R. Ambedkar
within the broader context of Dalit enlightenment, the narrative becomes both a
critique of oppressive structures and social transformation. It can be claimed
that Kamble, in her The Prison We Broke, unveils the interrelation
between caste-based social hierarchy and economic deprivation, demonstrating
that the economic scarcity among this particular community is not accidental
rather it is structurally produced and socially maintained. Simultaneously, the
narrative suggests the possibility of resistance and transformation,
particularly through political consciousness and the influence of reformist
ideologies.
Focusing on two central and interconnected themes, like
economic deprivation and social hierarchy, this paper is primarily concerned
with class rather than caste. Generally, the economic instability of the Mahar
community in Kamble’s narrative is not a condition of material scarcity but a
consequence of systemic exclusion, where they are outcasted from various
arenas. Apart from this, the strict caste hierarchy ensures that poverty is
transmitted through generations by upholding social segregation and
legitimizing exploitation. By reinforcing each other, the paper is going to
discuss how caste and economic conditions are inseparable through examining
these themes together.
In addition, attention can be drawn to the Dalit women in
particular, as they experience intensified forms of both economic and social
marginalization. They encounter a distinct form of exclusion where poverty
restricts mobility and patriarchy enforces subjugation within and outside their
communities. These converging systems do not synchronize but interface to
create a layered and pervasive structure of inequality. Therefore, The
Prison We Broke plays an important role in Dalit literature for
understanding the complexities of intersectional oppression in the Indian context.
Theoretical Frameworks
Kimberlé Crenshaw introduced intersectionality, which
renders a critical framework for understanding how multiple layers of identity,
such as caste, class, and gender, intersect to create unique forms of
oppression without functioning independently. Located at the margins, the
excluded community experienced layered and compounded inequalities within this
framework. This idea resonates strongly with the insights of Subaltern Studies,
which encapsulates the voices that are historically excluded from dominant
narratives, particularly in South Asia.
Caste intersects with class and gender, not to function
separately, in order to intensify marginalization as viewed through an
intersectional lens. Basically, lower-caste women face double marginalization
for their caste and gender by rendering their experiences distinct from those
of upper-caste women or lower-caste men (Crenshaw 149). As a component of
economic marginalization, class amplifies these disparities by restricting
access to movement, work, and education, also sustaining poverty cycles that
disproportionately impact the community that was already marginalized (Guha 5).
Besides these frameworks, additional restrictions are
dictated by gender, which is shaped by patriarchal authority regulating women’s
autonomy, labour, and bodily integrity, particularly within the caste
community. How these intertwining structures eradicate the agency of
marginalized subjects is recounted through subaltern studies, keeping them as
voiceless within prevailing discourses while simultaneously shaping their lived
realities (Spivak 287). Therefore, intersectionality and subaltern theory
together provide a nuanced framework for analysing how caste, class, and gender
operate not as separate genres but as interlocking systems of power that
generate complex and layered forms of oppression.
Invisible
Chains: Understanding Caste-Based Oppression
Caste-based social exclusion is a persistent theme in The
Prisons We Broke, as the Mahar community is systematically relegated to the
edges of the village life. They are forced to live outside the main village
inhabited by the upper caste, symbolizing not only cast out from the centre but
also their exclusion from the social and cultural core of society. This ostracism
is psychological rather than physical, as it reinforces a sense of futility
among the oppressed. For example, the Mahars are supposed to show their respect
at all times, internalizing their subordinate status. Kamble highlights how
such exclusion is normalized, making caste hierarchy appear natural and
unquestionable.
By maintaining physical distance, their community is
prohibited to do the things such as touching and entering into the upper-caste
individuals, and even their presence is recognized as ‘polluting’. Throughout
her narrative, Kamble reassesses such instances where Dalits are denied access
to common water sources, compelling them to depend on leftover or contaminated
water. They are also discriminated through the practices of food apart from caste,
class, and gender, as they are given stale or leftover food by upper-caste
households. Reducing human beings, this practice relegates them to a status
below that of animals, illustrating how caste enforces a rigid system of purity
and pollution (Kamble 49).
Caste determines labour roles, keeping them outcaste and
confining them to degrading and exploitative forms of work such as cleaning,
disposing of carcasses, and performing unpaid or underpaid village duties.
Kamble emphasizes this labour is a hereditary obligation imposed by caste
hierarchy rather than a matter of choice. Women, in particular, bear a double
burden for their caste and gender. They perform hard labour both outside and
inside the house while also enduring domestic violence and social humiliation.
How caste-based division of labour perpetuates poverty and reinforces the cycle
of oppression that is narrated through the entire text.
It must be said that caste is the foundational structure
in The Prisons We Broke that shapes all aspects of life for the Mahar
community. Kamble’s work reflects how deeply caste is embedded in the Mahar
community, which is affecting both material conditions and self-perception. By
documenting their lived experiences through the text, she challenges the
legitimacy of caste hierarchy and calls for its dismantling, and underscores
that without addressing caste as the primary axis of oppression, true social
equality cannot be achieved.
Class
and Economic Exploitation: Structures of Inequality and Power
A harsh condition of poverty and labour among Dalit
communities is portrayed in the hands of Baby Kamble in The Prison We Broke.
Economic stability is more important over merit and faith, which can bring them
from dark to the light.
‘The world belongs to the man with money. Don’t ever be
taken in by your father’s lofty words. There’s no merit, no sin. It’s only
money that matters. Money whitewashes your sins. It’s money that brings fame.
Nobody is bothered about how you earned it. Be rich and people will willingly
pluck ticks off your body. You can earn while you are young. Earn money you
must, whichever way, then your children won’t have to worry’ (Kamble 6).
The narrative depicts how the deficiency of education
becomes a foundational barrier, confining them to the service of upper-caste
people. Children from caste community are not in the school due to both
economic and social discrimination, which forces them into labour at an early
age. Ambedkar request them to educate their children and send them to schools.
When the children begin to be educated, their condition will start improving.
Their family as well as their life will economically improve. Thereafter, their
children will bring them out of this hell (Kamble 64-65). Kamble was ignited by
the speech of Ambedkar so, she articulates Ambedkar’s speech throughout her
text.
“Start educating all Mahar children. Stop eating dead
animals. We must reform ourselves. Don’t stay ignorant anymore. Don’t believe
in god and religion” (Kamble 66).
Exhorted by the impressive speech of Ambedkar in the
public meetings, Kamble also tried to address her community that they should
learn to do business so that they earn for their own. As upper-caste will not
buy anything from them, they should practise business in their own locality
(Kamble 133). It is true to understand that for dignity and self-respect, an
individual can stabilize themselves not only through the identity of caste and
gender but also through class. The intersection of caste and class thus
operates as a powerful tool of oppression, restricting the opportunity for
social growth.
Getting a job for anyone from the Dalit community was
impossible. Work was not available to a person who had been educated very
little, like fourth or seventh standard. So, it was difficult for them to
survive. Then Ambedkar came to their village and addressed them to start some
small business rather than get into jobs which you can successfully help them
to contribute their family. Also said that not to start the business with
high-rate products like milk, as it was considered for the high-caste for their
high price, because the upper-caste will not buy this from them. And their
people can’t afford milk, so start with something that they can easily manage
to sell in their own community (Kamble 141).
Therefore,
Kamble started a grocery store of loose grapes with her husband. It was for
them a good business, and it worked to earn money, which made them feel more
and more enthused. And encourage them to become determined as well as work
harder (134). So, it must be said that poverty is a consequence of systemic
discrimination rather than a condition of society that extends generations. How
economic exploitation is central to maintaining caste dominance is underlined
through the text. In this perspective, The Prison We Broke unveils the
deeply embedded inequalities that govern both economic and social life in
caste-based societies.
Gendered
Dimensions of Oppression: Structures, Experiences, and Resistance
The Prison We Broke
is an important autobiographical narrative of Baby Kamble that depicts the
layered oppression faced by Dalit communities in India, especially the Dalit
women. Through this narrative, Kamble unveils how caste, class, and gender
intersect to create a system of “double” or even “triple” marginalization for
Dalit women, keeping them in a distinctively susceptible position within and
outside their community. She graphically describes the physical and
psychological violence that women face both in the public and private spheres.
If the Mahar community is considered the 'other' by the Brahmins, Mahar women
are taken as the 'other' by Mahar males. Baby Kamble exemplifies the
extraordinary dignity and resilience of Mahar women in their battle, through
which they have become catalysts for transformation within their community
(xv).
Dalit women in The Prison We Broke experience
multiple forms of marginalization simultaneously. They even wear their sari
according to the instructions of the upper caste with humility and dignity.
Mahar women were imposed to keep the borders of their saris hidden. Only
high-caste ladies had the pleasure of wearing their saris so that the borders
were visible. A Mahar woman was required to conceal the borders beneath the
pleats; otherwise, it was considered an offense to the high castes (Kamble 54).
Dalit women further faced oppression through the domestic
burdens. Kamble vividly describes how women are expected to perform exhausting
physical labour both inside and outside the home, yet their contributions
remain unrecognized. They woke up early in the morning and completed their
household work first, then set off to work outside their house with their men
so that they could earn money to support their family. Even after returning
home, they continue to engage in their daily tasks, such as cooking, serving,
and caring for their child and husband. After doing all these activities, they
are not valued in respect of caste and gender. Even they are beaten, as it was
common for a husband to beat his wife and want to control them (Kamble 154).
A key aspect of Kamble’s narrative is the comparison
between the experiences of men and women within the same caste and class. While
Dalit men endure systemic oppression from upper castes, they are still able to
assert dominance over women in their house. Baby Kamble's testimonies of Dalit
women's suffering highlight the darkest forms of exploitation and physical
abuse that Dalit men inflicted on Dalit women. Physical torture not only
resulted in physical damage but also inflicted profound psychological
suffering, leaving a humiliating scar on the minds of Dalit women (166). In
this internal hierarchy, Kamble shows how men replicate the very structures of
oppression they themselves suffer under. Experiencing humiliation in public,
they maintain authority at home, where women become the immediate targets of
their frustration. This contrast reveals that caste oppression does not
eliminate gender inequality; rather, it coexists with and reinforces it.
Entangled
Identities: Caste, Class, and Gender in Social Stratification
To understand the multilayered oppression, the
interlocking structure of caste, class, and gender plays the key role, which is
portrayed in The Prison We Broke by Baby Kamble. It is illustrated that
oppression is not experienced in a separate entity but as an interconnected
structures in which caste-based discrimination, economic deprivation, and
patriarchal control reinforce each other. How Dalit women, in particular,
occupy the most marginalized position within this hierarchy is narrated through
the lives of the Mahar community, as they are subjected simultaneously to caste
humiliation, class exploitation, and gender subordination.
However, it is true to understand that caste
discrimination and class oppression are interconnected. They are traditionally
deprived of such opportunities for economic mobility and are stuck in the
cycles of poverty because of their caste status. Kamble describes how people
survive on leftover or spoiled food and perform unpaid or underpaid labour for
upper-caste households (77). This economic exploitation is not accidental
rather directly produced by the caste hierarchy, demonstrating that caste and
class are mutually reinforcing structures.
In this context, gender introduces another layer of
inequality within this marginalized community through which the Mahar women
face patriarchal control both within and outside their community. While the
upper-caste community exploits them in respect of caste and labour outside
their community, Dalit men reproduce patriarchal dominance in the form of
domestic violence within the household (Kamble 102). Therefore, gender
oppression operates both within and outside their community, not separate from
caste and class, and intensifies the suffering of Dalit women.
Collecting leftover food from upper-caste households
emphasizes the convergence of caste humiliation and economic deprivation.
Though it is degrading because of caste hierarchy, poverty leads them to do as
necessary rather than luxury, showing how class forces Dalit women into
situations that reinforce caste stigma. They bear the primary responsibility
for securing food and taking care of everything for their families (Kamble 73).
Apart from this, Kamble also discusses child marriage by demonstrating how
poverty and patriarchy intersect. The girl child in poor families gets married
early due to financial responsibility, where they are also denied education and
independence in the field of patriarchy (93).
It is powerfully illustrated that caste, class, and
gender are not separate oppressions but deeply intertwined systems that shape
the lived realities of Dalit women. The lived reality of a Dalit woman is not
understood alone through caste, poverty, or patriarchy rather the intersection
of these. Though the Dalit women accept suffering as inevitable, having been
conditioned by both caste ideology and patriarchal norms, Kamble’s narrative
demonstrates that true social transformation must confront all these structures
together, as each one sustains and reinforces the others.
Resistance
and Agency: Voices from the Margins
In her narrative, Kamble presents resistance not as a
single act but as a gradual awakening rooted in awareness, identity, and
dignity. Significant dimension of resistance in the text is the assertion of
identity. Kamble, in this text, highlights how embracing Dalit identity becomes
an act of defiance against caste-based dehumanization. Their community begins
to reclaim its history and humanity, instead of accepting imposed labels of
impurity. It is here evident that this assertion is especially for the
influence of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s teachings, which inspire self-respect and
collective pride.
Voice and narrative become powerful tools that one gets
through education; by telling their own stories, Dalits reclaim agency over
their representation and challenge historical silencing. They create a powerful
narrative space for their struggles, resistance, and hope to challenge dominant
caste narratives. So that their works provide alternate histories from a
marginalized perspective, exposing systemic inequalities (Guru 2548).
Therefore, The Prisons We Broke is not a narrative of suffering but an
empowerment. Through awareness, identity, and expression, Kamble illustrates
how marginalized communities transform pain into resistance and ultimately into
a path toward liberation.
Conclusion
Through these interconnected inequalities, a compounded
marginalization is emerged where social, economic, and cultural exclusions are
coincided and intensifying the lived experiences of injustice. In this light of
analysis, it becomes evident that The Prisons We Broke is not a personal
narrative rather a critical socio-political text that exposes the structural
nature of inequality as an individual representative of her entire community.
How the ingrained systems of caste and patriarchy run together to sustain
oppression is underscored through this text, reiterating the assertion that
comprehending inequality needs attention to intersecting identities. Instead of
homogenize women’s experiences in general, the text challenges dominant
narratives and accentuates the voices of those who are staying in the margins
of marginality.
To conclude, the everyday struggles of the Mahar
community in the text, like The Prisons We Broke, significantly extends
to contemporary discussions of inequality. Even today, the marginalized
communities who are relegated to the periphery continue to face overlapping
forms of discrimination, which are changing in nature in the course of time.
Thus, historical injustices continue to shape present realities in this
particular narrative. Substantiating the endurance and struggles of Dalit women
in particular, the text provides a relevant framework for understanding how
deeply embedded inequalities prevail across time. Without addressing the
specific challenges in a broader sense faced by those who are at the edges of
society and are going through the intersections of multiple oppression, the
social progress remains incomplete.
Finally, the multifaceted approaches are important to
address the inequality beyond the isolated praxis of oppression. Not only legal
and economic stability, but also cultural and educational transformations that
challenge discriminatory norms and practices. In achieving substantial social
transformation, Kamble's work underlines the significance of intersectional and
inclusive approaches.
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