The Tusu Festival and Kudmi
Identity: Ecogender Dimensions of Culture and Agriculture in Bordering Regions
of Jharkhand and West Bengal
Hare Krishna Kuiry,
Ph.D. Research Scholar,
Department of English,
Ranchi University,
Ranchi, Jharkhand, India.
Abstract: Kudmi community is an
agrarian community. They are deeply rooted in their land and also followers of
the principle of Jal (water), Jungle (forest) and Jamin (land). This community
mainly resides on the common border area of Jharkhand and West Bengal. There
are many similarities among the people of this border area in terms of cultural
and social aspects. Most of the socio-cultural activities are observed
according to agricultural activities. The agricultural cycle follows a seasonal
cycle and many cultural activities of the Kudmi community like fairs and
festivals are celebrated by balancing these two, the agricultural cycle and the
seasonal cycle. Their festivals like
Bandna, Akhayan Jatra, Nawa Khai, and Tusu are closely associated with agriculture. Tusu festival is one such festival
that is closely linked with the agricultural activities of the Kudmi community.
Goddess Tusu is worshipped in
Poush Mas (mid-December to mid-January) as Goddess Lakshmi,
the goddess of food, wealth, and prosperity. This paper would deal with the
ecogenderism perspective of the Tusu
festival of the Kudmi community. This paper will focus on the ritualistic
aspect of Tusu worship. It
would also show how it entwines agriculture and the culture of the Kudmi
community in Jharkhand and West Bengal border area.
Keywords: Tusu festival, Kudmi community,
Agriculture, Culture, Ecogenderism.
Introduction
“Baro mase tero parban” is a popular
proverb of West Bengal. Its literal translation is thirteen festivals in twelve
months. Actually, it refers to the idea of celebration, a celebration of daily
life, a celebration of all seasons, a celebration of God’s grace and the
supreme power of nature. All these celebrations are celebrated in form of
festivals or parab or parban, rituals, lok-kathas or folk
narratives. In Jharkhand also there is a similar and popular proverb among
Adivasis, “tera mahina pe tera gana”
or thirteen songs in thirteen months. It is said that all rituals, lokathas and
cultural descriptions of Adivasis are found in these lyrical and oral forms
those are transmitted from generation to generation. The age-old tradition is
narrated through these songs. Community members, nature, ancestors, spirits,
gods and goddesses are part of the tribal and Kudmi pantheon. Therefore song
plays a prominent role in the festivals of tribal and Kudmi people. Samar Basu
Mullick opined about Adi dharam or ancient religion that “The creator lived
with created. Therefore, life is eternal and immortal. Death is the beginning
of the rebirth of life but in its inferior or superior forms. The human dies
and shakes the visible existence off only to live on as a shadow in the shame
adobe with the spirits of the ancestors as a benevolent spirit.” (Munda xi)
This quote by Mr Mullick is quite appropriate about the ancient religion of
tribal people. There is no concept of heaven and hell. Everything is on this
earth where nature is only shelter and a source of tribal people’s celebration.
Most of the tribal people and Kudmi community are depended on farming and
forest for their daily livelihood. Wood, honey, fruits and other forest
products, they get from forests and rice, wheat, and other crops and vegetables
are produced by them. Here agriculture takes an important role in all Adivasi
culture. Some festivals are celebrated to wade off agricultural fatigue and
some are celebrations of the process of agriculture. Tusu festival of
the Kudmi community is one such festival that deeply associates with
agriculture. The word agriculture refers here mainly to paddy cultivation. A complete process of
paddy cultivation takes almost half of a year and most of the food is based on
rice or processed form of rice in this region, therefore, it is the most
prevalent crop in agriculture. Many rituals are performed amidst the process of
paddy cultivation from sowing to harvesting and woman plays an important role
in this paddy cultivation. Here ecogenderism perspective can be defined. Kudmi
families coexist with tribal society and create harmony as a neighbouring
brotherhood relation. Nature is too close to them that their wealth is marked
by the owned amount of cattle and land of paddy cultivation. Therefore the
whole process of paddy cultivation plays an important role in the Kudmi
community.
Kudmi Community
Kudmi community
is also called as mahato, kudmi mahato, mahanta or kudmi mahanta community.
This community is an aboriginal peasant community. The Kudmis, agricultural
community had a tribal status till 1921 in British India. Later they
transformed into a fringe caste of the Hindu and at present they are identified
as OBC or Other Backward classes. There are many similarities between the Kudmi
people and the tribals of Jharkhand. In terms of culture, lifestyle and
religion faith all have a shared connection between them. Kudmi people still
believe in animism and spirit worship. The concept of gramthan1,
village Sarna2 or sacred Sal grove
is prevalent in both Kudmi and tribal culture. “Although the Mahathos are
regarded as a non-scheduled Hindu caste, today in 1921 census they were
reported as a Scheduled tribe. Earlier anthropologists like Risley (1951) have
cited the Kurmi-Mhatos of the former Manbbhum district as a typical case of a
hitherto tribe transformed into a Hindu caste.” (Mahato, 44) There many
movements are still going on for their socio-political status against the
government of India. The homeland of this community is traceable in some parts
of Chatanagpur3 and adjoining regions of West Bengal, Jharkhand and
Odisha. They prefer to reside on the bank of rivers and it is still defined as
the territory that is surrounded by the broader rivers’ banks, Damodar,
Kangsabati or Kansai, Subarnarekha, Bhaitarini and tributaries of these rivers.
Fig.
1. Kuiry, Hare Krishna. Border rivers’ banks.
Being residents of the river banks,
favourable tropical weather and appropriate geographical location of the
Chotanagpur plateau the peasant, Kudmis prioritises paddy cultivation as
agriculture. Most of their rituals, cultures and traditions take forms
surrounding the process of paddy cultivation and related agricultural
activities. An agricultural festival like Akhayan jatra is the first day of the
agriculture year of the Kudmi community. Rohin is celebrated for the
first day of paddy seed spreading on paddy fields. Then Karma festival
is celebrated with paddy seedlings. Sohrai or Bandna festival is
a thanksgiving festival to animals and agricultural artefacts for a good
harvest and finally, in the whole agricultural process, the Tusu
festival is a year ending festival. It is a harvest festival that is mainly
celebrated by the Kudmi community. Goddess Tusu is worshipped as Goddess
Lakshmi. This festival is also celebrated by Santhal, Munda, Kharia and Ho
in Jharkhand and West Bengal.
Goddess
Tusu
Goddess
Tusu is the centre of the Tusu festival. There are many opinions
about the origin of the word Tusu. Tusu word may have been
derived from the word tush which
means paddy rind. According to Dr Sukumar Sen, it may have been derived from
Tisya star that relates to the brata ritual of unmarried girls in Bangladesh
(Karan 199). This festival is one month long festival from Aghan Sankranti to Poush
Sankranti. Aghan or Aghrahayan is the eighth month of the
Bengali calendar and Poush or Push is ninth month of Bengali
calendar. Sankranti word denotes the
last day of a month. This festival is observed from mid-December to mid-January
according to the Gregorian calendar. Kartik,
the seventh month of the Bengali calendar and Aghan are quite busy months for farmers because it is the time to harvest
the paddy crop from the fields. Before Aghan Sankranti farmer finished
harvesting and placed the last clamp of the rice plant on Khola or khamar4.
That clump is called Dini Budhi, Dini Giran or Dini Thakrain. It is believed
that when the ritual of Dini buri is accomplished Goddess Lakshmi or Goddess Tusu
enters the farmers’ house.
Fig. 2. Kuiry,
Hare Krishna. Dini Buri/ Giran/Thakrain, Patjhalda, 29
Dec. 2022.
The process of Tusu
installation is interesting. First, sara
or a particular type of earthen plate is covered with rice powder and kharimati or calcareous soil. Then one
ball of cow dung is placed on it. Vermilion, akanda or giant calotrope flower and marigold flowers are put on
that ball. This process is called Tusu pata or Tusu installation. The installation process varies
in regions. Then Goddess Tusu is invited and nurtured during the whole
month through evening song and at last she is immersed at the nearest river,
pond or water reservoir. Kudmi women bring Chodal
from the local bazaar and worship that Chodal
as Goddess Tusu. Chodal word
comprises two words chou and dal. Chou
means four and dal means something
that is used for swing. Therefore Choudal
refers to a colourful paper decorated wooden or bamboo frame that has four
legs or holding points and is carried by swinging. This Choudal is a symbolic representation of Goddess Tusu. Tusu
songs are the most important part of this festival. Through songs, Tusu
is installed, invited, nurtured and immersed. During this one month, Aghan to Poush Tusu festival
gets rhythm with Tusu songs, sounds of dhenki5 and
aroma of pithas6. Finally,
it ends on the day of Makar Sankranti.
Fig. 3. Kuiry,
Hare Krishna. Chudal and villagers. Tuss festival, Uhatu, 14
Jan. 2021.
Ecogenderism
Perspective
Ecogenderism is
a developing theory that is a part of deep ecology. The term ecogenderism is a
compound form of two words, ecology and gender. Ecogender Studies is a new theoretical
framework that elaborates on gender roles in society and opens a new nexus
between environment and gender. There are many concepts relating to this
concept of ecogender like ecoperson, greener gender, ecofeminism and so on. All
these concepts link human beings and the environment and in this particular
context of the Tusu festival, ecogender relation presents a strong bond
between nature or environment and women. Here eco gender gap enters where
females are prioritised over male. Though it sounds stereotypical notion the
fact is that sensitiveness about nature more goes toward the female gender and
maybe that is one reason to call nature mother nature. Ecology and gender are
intertwined. In the indigenous, Adivasi, Kudmi community or any others culture
there are certain duties those are shared between men and women. It beautifies
their traditions also. The distribution of gender roles and the gender
contribution in Kudmi society can also be found in this Tusu festival.
First Tusu is considered Goddess Lakshmi or Poush Lakshmi.
As this festival ends in Poush month
and Lakshmi is the Goddess of food, wealth and fertility. Therefore Tusu
festival symbolises the field fertility. Tusu songs are an important
part of this festival. Its flexibility, tone, and composition are very
attractive and fascinating. Tusu’s worship, invitation, installation,
care, nurture, awakening and immersion are done through singing Tusu
songs and gradually Goddess Tusu becomes a family member of Kudmi
community. There is no specific mantra
to worship the Goddess Tusu. Tusu song is the only way to invoke
or express gratitude towards Tusu. Goddess Tusu is not always
considered a goddess. Sometimes she is treated as a mother, sometimes as a
companion, sometimes as a bride and sometimes as a daughter. During this one
month mid-December to mid-January, Goddess Tusu is treated as an
intimate member of the family. All these beautiful relations with Goddess Tusu
are expressed by women through Tusu songs.
Bela uthe riti riti, pirthibi alo kiore
Emni alo kiorbe Tusu, e khela kadamtale. (Das Mahato 50)
As the Sun rises
up in the sky, we can see the colour of the beautiful earth.
Same as we
(Women) enjoy the beauty of Tusu when she plays under the kadam
(burflower) tree.
This couplet of Tusu
song describes the beauty of human relations. Here Goddess Tusu is
treated as a little girl or daughter. She loves to play the whole day with her
friends under the Kadam tree and the women of the village love to see her
playing. The untouched beauty of the rural landscape, the presence of a
beautiful sunrise, kadam tree and the mother’s affection can be felt through
these lines. Mother-daughter relation is drawn through these lines of Tusu
song.
Jal
jal je koro Tusu, jole tomar ke
ache?
Monete bhabiyen dekho, jole shwashur ghar ache. (Das Mahato 54)
Tusu, why are you
becoming restless and always mentions about water,
tell me who is
there?
Now I recall that your
father-in-law’s house is there.
Here Goddess Tusu is treated
as a companion who is asked by her mate about their father-in-laws’ house.
Married Goddess Tusu is too hurrying to go to her abode that is in
water. Her fellow beings tease Tusu mentioning her father-in-law’s
house. Here immersion of Goddess Tusu draws a sad tone. In that case,
women try to find an answer to the separation from Tusu and they get to
console themselves by thinking about Tusu and that Tusu will
return again to her own land from her father-in-laws’ house that is a water
body. The relationship between ecology and gender is emphasised in each couplet
of Tusu songs. Separation and hope for reunion both are described
through these lines. Kudmi people are much aware of the miracle of nature, the
germination of seed and therefore they also believe in rebirth. Birth and death
are nature’s laws so Kudmi women says goodbye to Tusu through immersion
in water and at the same time, they wish to meet her next year with the same
enthusiasm. Here environment and women or nature, goddess and human are not
separate from each other. They are so close and cohabit with agriculture and
culture.
Hamra je Tusu
thapi, aghan sankraite go
Tel dilam, sailta dilam, swarge dilam bati go.
(Das Mahato 48)
We install
Goddess Tusu on Agan Sankranti or the last day of Aghan month,
We put oil, we
put cotton,
And we offer a
lighted earthen lamp in heaven for Goddess Tusu.
This lyric of
the Tusu song is dedicated to Goddess Tusu as a mother or
protector. The narrator worships goddess Tusu by lighting the earthen
lamp. The simplicity and conversational tone of Tusu songs express many
emotions of rural women. As Tusu is treated in many relational forms
like a companion, daughter, protector mother or goddess, women share their
happiness, grief, excitement and with wishes with Goddess Tusu. Here
sharing of feelings intersects with gender and nature.
Another Eco gender relation can be found at
the very first installation of Goddess Tusu on Aghan Sankranti and then
singing songs at dusk. It shows the caring nature, responsibilities and
creative minds of women. As many Tusu songs’ lyrics are composed
instantly so it is an example of creativity also. Eco gender relation is a thin
perspective but it presents the overall folk culture, rituals of Adivasis and
traditions of the Kudmi community.
Conclusion
Dr Pashupati
Mahato states that the tone of Tusu is echoed in the air of villages. It
is quite relatable in that one-month period mid-December to mid-January of the Tusu
festival because throughout the month Tusu songs are sung by women.
These Tusu songs are primarily transmitted from generation to
generation. It also shows that it is a part of age-old culture. It can be said
that these songs are the voice of the rural Kudmi people. Sometimes it is also
used as the protesting voice against social injustice. These songs intersect
Kudmi people with nature, community members, gods, goddesses and ancestors. It
also helps to keep them grounded and helps to work in their agricultural
fields. One couplet of Tusu song that is sung at the time of the Tusu
installation emphasises the relationship of ecology, gender and the importance
of agriculture or paddy cultivation in the life of the Kudmi community.
Khamar bhara sonar dhane Tusu patiba jatane
Aigo tora sangijuri Tusu pati ek mane. (Candra Rajak 157)
All my dear
fellows come and do join in the process of Tusu installation,
We install Goddess Tusu at
our Khamar
that is full of
golden worthy paddy with our complete devotion.
In these lines,
paddy is compared with gold. Therefore it also signifies the importance of
agriculture and its dependency. Kudmi people especially women’s conviction on
Goddess Tusu as a protector of crops or as a Goddess of wealth,
fertility and wealth is also expressed through these lines. The word Sangisathi (all fellow beings) refers inclusiveness and communal
bonding. Greeting with complete devotion shows the spiritual connection between
women, gender and ecology through these lines.
This festival
connects the whole community and gives a space for celebration after winding up
the agricultural activities and a linking line can be drawn that links gender
roles, agriculture and the Tusu festival of the Kudmi community in
Jharkhand and West Bengal border area.
Notes
1. Gramthan: Gram means village and than is
place. Gramthan is a sacred place where village deity or gram debata resides.
2. Sarna: Sarna means shelter. Sanrna is a
sacred grove where saran maa or Goddess or mother Sarna resides.
3. Chotanagpur: It is a plateau that covers
most of the area of Jharkhand and adjacent part of Chhattisgarh, Odisha, West
Bengal and Bihar.
4. Khola or Khamar: Khola or khamar is a
colloquial word that refers to a clean space to keep paddy straw and it is also
used as a threshing field of paddy
5. Dhenki: a wooden log that is used to husk
paddy rind or to make rice powder.
6. Pitha: Pitha is a kind of dish that usually
made from rice flour similar to pancakes or dumplings.
Works Cited
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Rajak, Nitai. “Manbhumer Tusu Parab” Anriju.
Ed. Subhash Roy. Annual Magazine, 2022.
Das
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Goswami,
Dilip Kumar, "Simanta Rarh-er Lokasanskriti":Parijat, 2014.
Karan, Sudhir
Kumar, Simanta Banglar Lokeyan
Ashadip, 2013.
Māhāto, Paśupati
Prasāda. Sanskritization Vs Nirbakization. 2nd ed., Kolkata, Purbalok Publications,
2012.
Munda,
Ram Dayal. Aadi Dharam. Kolkata, India:Adivaani, 2014.